LENGIBATSANDZAKO: PHIRI'S QUESTION WOULD BE HOW MUCH WOULD ANC MOGUL AND MARIKANA MINE SHAREHOLDER CYRIL RAMAPHOSA HAVE PROMISED OUR GREEDIEST-EVER OF POLITICIANS IF AND AS POLICE COMMANDER IN CHIEF JACOB ZUMA ORDERED THE MASSACRE OF OVER 30 DEFENSELESS SOUTH AFRICANS? AND MUST ZUMA BE ALLOWED TO ENJOY THE SPOILS OF HIS MASS MURDER OR MUST HE BE THROWN IN JAIL POST-MANGAUNG?

Thursday, November 1, 2012

PHIRI'S QUESTION WOULD BE HOW MUCH WOULD ANC MOGUL AND MARIKANA MINE SHAREHOLDER CYRIL RAMAPHOSA HAVE PROMISED OUR GREEDIEST-EVER OF POLITICIANS IF AND AS POLICE COMMANDER IN CHIEF JACOB ZUMA ORDERED THE MASSACRE OF OVER 30 DEFENSELESS SOUTH AFRICANS? AND MUST ZUMA BE ALLOWED TO ENJOY THE SPOILS OF HIS MASS MURDER OR MUST HE BE THROWN IN JAIL POST-MANGAUNG?

Cyril Ramaphosa's Marikana email batters ANC heavyweight's reputation | World news | guardian.co.uk:

'via Blog this'

Cyril Ramaphosa's Marikana email batters ANC heavyweight's reputation

Lawyer tells commission investigating deaths of 34 striking miners of explosive email from struggle stalwart

On the second day of the Marikana Commission of Inquiry – following a postponement at the beginning of October – Dali Mpofu, acting on behalf of the miners who were [per Jacob Zuma order were murdered by police on 16 August, presented his opening statement.]

Graphic video shows police open fire on miners - YouTube: 'via Blog this'

He said that his team's participation in the hearings would be to explore ten themes, namely:

· that the massacre could and should have been avoided;

· the toxic collusion between the police and Lonmin or the state and capital was causative of the massacre;

· the massacre exhibited a situation of premeditated murder of defenceless and powerless poor people;

· the claims of self-defence are baseless;

· what happened in front of Groot Koppie includes instances of unjustifiable murder;

· what happened at Klein Koppie includes cold-blooded executions;

· who gave the orders at all levels of government and the police chain of command;

· that the demeanour and behaviour of the police showed that they were, inter alia, motivated by revenge and malice;

· that the underlying causes go deeper than the immediate parties in the commission;

· and that the decision to charge the protesters with the murder of their fellow protesters under the so-called doctrine of common purpose was callous, insensitive and from using the poor as scape-goats.

It was when Mpofu was elaborating on the second point that he mentioned an email from ANC national executive committee member and former secretary-general Cyril Ramaphosa, sent about 24 hours before the 16 August massacre occurred.

"This (e-mail) was on 15 August at 2.58pm, exactly 24 hours before the people were mowed down on that mountain. We have e-mails that were being exchanged between Lonmin management, government ministers (of mineral resources and the police) and at the centre is a gentleman called Cyril Ramaphosa," Mpofu said.

"He advanced that what was taking place were criminal acts and must be characterised as such. In line with this characterisation there needs to be concomitant action to address the situation.

"The letter was addressed to a 'Dear Albert of Lonmin'."

Mpofu continued: "Ramaphosa called for action to be taken against 'these criminals', whose crime was to seek a wage increase."

"We are going to get justice, either here or at any other forum, even the International Criminal Court, where we will lay charges against the police who shot our people."

Like George Bizos acting for the Legal Resources Centre, and Dumisa Ntsebeza for the families of 21 of the deceased, Mpofu said that he would argue that the police were motivated by a desire to avenge the deaths of their dead colleagues, and not by fear for their own lives.

"What happened was premeditated murder of defenceless people. It had been agreed at a police meeting held on August 16 that 'stage 3' of their plan was going to be executed and those discussions had gone as far as the police commissioner and the minister," he said.

The advocate for the injured and arrested also took umbrage, like Ntsebeza did, to the allegation by the police's legal representative Ishmael Semenya that they had had to act to defend their own lives because the protesters were under the spell of some magic potion. He said that the evidence at the second killing area was concomitant with that of people fleeing. He also said that he had testimony of people being shot while surrendering, which did not support the police's version of events.

"Suggestions that miners thought they were invisible because of umuthi are racist, backward and ridiculous," he said.

Ramaphosa's email is likely to be used by Mpofu to show that the state and Lonmin colluded in such a way that it strongly influenced the outcome of that fateful day. Advocates acting for the miners have all already promised to build a picture of acts of revenge, unlawfulness and extreme force that was over the top and not at all appropriate for the situation.

Another damning piece of evidence that may come up is a press releaseissued in the name of Frans Baleni, the general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers on 13 August, calling for the deployment of the Special Task Force to Rustenburg and the surrounding areas.

"We call for the deployment of a special task force or the SANDF to deal decisively with the criminal elements in Rustenburg and its surrounding mines," Baleni said. "We appeal for the deployment of the Special Task Force as a matter of urgency before things run out of hand. For months on end we have argued that the situation in Rustenburg requires special intervention and we are seeing no difference."

If the lawyers acting for the miners can show that the decision to deploy specialised armed units was not the correct one under the circumstances, it will, at the least, show that both NUM and its former general secretary, now a big shareholder at Lonmin, helped foment a toxic environment which led to the deaths of 34 people and the injury of a further 78.

Interestingly, the timing of Mpofu's speech coincides with news reportsthat several ANC branches are thinking of nominating Ramaphosa for the position of deputy president to Jacob Zuma, should the current deputy Kgalema Motlanthe decide to run for the top position. It would not be surprising to see the email, rather than the branch announcements, dominate the news agenda in the coming days.

Karabo Bareng Kgoroeadira, a lawyer acting for the royal family of the Bapo Ba Mogale, also presented her opening address. The tribe owns the land upon which the Lonmin mine is situated, and wants to argue that the company has not fulfilled its promise to provide social and economic investment in the area, but has rather reneged on its promises and has rather contributed to an infestation of informal settlements and migrant labourers on tribal lands.

"These social struggles contributed to the boil which has been simmering around the mines," she said.

The inquiry continues.

No comments:

JACOB ZUMA SHUTS DOWN PHIRI SALARY WITHOUT PROVOCATION

AS OF NOVEMBER 1 2014 I WILL BE PUBLISHING WHATEVER I SHALL HAVE PERSONALLY FOUND OUT BEHIND ZUMA'S UNCONSTITUTIONAL REASONS FOR MY SALARY SHUTDOWN

THE SEPTEMBER JUDICIAL CALLS FOR EXPLANATION MADE TO JACOB ZUMA SANDF MINIONS IN VAIN

Lawyers' emails are going unanswered by the SANDF, as to over why the Goodman Manyanya Phiri suspended by Jacob Zuma and Zuma's Ombudsman Temba Templeton Matanzima at gunpoint in 2010, is not getting paid as of 15 September 2014.

Even phonecalls by same lawyers of Phiri's (LIPCO) will sometimes get an SANDF Human Resources Person saying something like ["I have got the system in front of me here but I may not check for Phiri"]

Phiri has gone into the war footing over the situation and threatens to walk into someone's SANDF Human Resource office next week to personally find out why he, and his 4-year-old daughter over whom he is single-parenting after an amicable divorce last year, are being starved and possibly set for sequestration by Phiri's ABSA Bank as G.M. Phiri Savings Account Number 9074472391 (unless Phiri gets paid tomorrow the 15th) has been by Zuma's nameless commander been starved of R70,000 which is Phiri's legal salary).

Nothing has been told Phiri why his salary has been stopped. Phiri's Zuma-supported enemies in the SANDF know Phiri's official residence in Lyttelton (or at least they knew it when they in 2010 sent 6 heavily-armed military policemen for the purpose clearly of mowing down Phiri). Thererefore, and very surely, IF THERE IS ANY COMPLIANCE LIEUTENANT COLONEL GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI HAD TO COMPLY WITH IN ORDER TO MAINTAIN HIS OWN SALARLY RECEIPT, communication should have (where other commununication media might have failed) been sent to Lyttelton Residence.

This did not happen. And everything spells malice!

Clearly there is malice prepense here, but Phiri's LIPCO lawyers will continue sending more emails to the SANDF to inquire, phoning some more, until the truth outs as to WHO ORDERED PHIRI SALARY SHUTDOWN AND FOR WHAT REASON TO THE EXTENT OF NOT FOLLOWING SOME PROCEDURES BEFOREHAND?.

LIPCO, whose VIP-card-carrying member Phiri is, is a powerful mediation tool for soldiers in South Africa. And a team of three LIPCO mediators are working on the Phiri issue right now, namely Ms Ilke Bosman, Mr Byron Govender and Mr Ayanda Mahlangu. The threesome are for Phiri kaleidoscopical specimen of South Africa's Rainbow Nation and Phiri is confident they will break this new deadlock and clear provocation on the part of politically-embattled Mr Jacob Zuma and Minions in his SANDF. For that matter, Jacob Zuma must answer about his Nkandla Homestead and not start shutting down colonels' salaries without any apparent reason.

Who does not know it that Phiri was suspended by Zuma because of writing about corruption in Zuma's own SANDF and Department of Defence? But Phiri argues that he has for about a year now written absolutely nothing negative about Jacob Zuma, and in fact written about nothing else whatsoevr in the past 6 months or so. And so Phiri's conclusion is that Mr Zuma is a clear desperado if to order someone in his SANDF kick a dog lying down like Phiri has been turned into, for the past four years of suspension by Zuma and Matanzima.

Alternatively Mr Zuma is simply unamenable and intolerant to a peaceable relationship with his fellow citizen, Phiri: Zuma thinks he is God. But now Phiri will be walking into Zuma's Army offices next week, if Phiri's salary matter is not remedied with speed. Let Zuma capture Phiri and murder him, if that is the intention and trap behind the salary shutdown. Phiri will walk in there with military police for company as orders stand. But if Phiri should be reported disappeared after Zuma's minions shall either have murdered him (which has always been the intention anyway)...

....If that happens, please phone the Team of Three Lipco lawyers as aforementioned on +270118312700/0118312700, email the Chief Mediator among the three LIPCO lawyers (ilkea@lipco.co.za OR 24 HOURS DIAL LIPCO EMERGENCY NUMBERS 0825682676/0825541116

It is high time Mr Jacob Zuma was taught the lesson that South Africa is a constitutional republic and not some exile camp in Tanzania, Mozambique, or Angola where the Zumas were torturing and murdering fighters who opposed their excesses and corruption.

Phiri has been buoyed by friends and relatives who have been supporting him and his daughter, Tamara 4, for the past 30 days of starvation by Mr Jacob Zuma. I have been particularly touched by two Pretorians (a senior male white military officer, a black attorney (who works like a dynamo in his own practice), as well as a housemother and owner of a big creche) who have all come forward for the adoption of Tamara just in case Zuma kills Phiri. Papers and affidavits are already afoot in order for me to grant my daughter to one of those potential adopters. The mother of my child has after the divorce gone missing in her own motherland, the Kingdom of Swaziland and has over 15 months now never even bothered to come and see her own daughter.

If anybody reading this would like to help me, I am begging (but never, as an officer, grovelling or supplicating) just deposit any amount into my Savings Account (ABSA) Number 9074472391, G.M. Phiri. It will be highly appreciated because I doubt very much if Zuma's minion or two who ordered my salary shutdown will change their minds on 15 October 2015: these are dyed-in-the-wool goodfornothings who got too used to exile tactics of toadying up to autocratic leaders like Zuma and as such, there is no way without Zuma's sayso that they will reverse my salary shutdown.

The alternative to your help, my readership, is frightful: I will be sequestrated by the banks.

Thanks in advance, but apologies for any grammatical errors: I had no chance to revise this as I am working from an Internet Cafe in Pretoria.

PHIRI PERSECUTION BY ZUMA: WHERE IT ALL BEGAN FEBRUARY-06-2001 (POST-ZUMA-EXILE-ATROCITIES)

First-Man-on-the-line is Thami Ncongwane, an advocate who knows Phiri's case like the back of his hand. He is my firrst favourite for standing in my case at South Africa's Constitutional Court (under Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng) just as soon as a good sumaritan from anywhere in the world has paid in either to my my account or his in order for him to stand in my strings of percecutions by Mr Jacob Zuma (currently I am failing to fulfill my tax returns in South Africa because Jacob Zuma promised me to be shot if I approach my workplace for documents thatt enable me to fulfill my responsibilities as a citizen of the Republic of South Africa)
Next to Advocate Ncongwane stands Zuma-appointed Judge Dunstan Mlambo. Mlambo takes over from the chap to his right who got corrupted by Jacob Zuma to the extent of in 2010 appointinting an 'all-white-full-bench-of-3-judges-to-look-into-a-case--of-black-Phiri-who-dared-call-Judges-Fellow-White-Kleynhans-a- F****Racist'. Advocate Ncongwane as picture from your right as viewer to this screen, TAKES INSTRUCTIONS SO WELL HE IS LIKE A DOG ON THE LEASH AND I GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI WOULD LOVE THIS MAN (if he so agrees) TO STAND FOR ME AT THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA ONLY ONCE WHEN A GOOD SAMAR\ITAN HAS PAID THE INTO THE GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI ABSA ACCOUNT SAVINGS ACCOUNT NUMBER 9074472391 CENTURION BRANCH REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA THE AMOUNT OF PAYING ADVOCATE NCONGWANE AND ATTORENEYS WHAT ARREARS PHIRI OWES THEM AND THEREAFTER WITH THE SAME AMOUNT AMOUNT PROCEED TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT FOR PHIRI IN ORDER AGAINST JACOB ZUMA TO ACQUIRE A REPORT CITED IN 2001-CHARGESS AGAINST PHIRI AS HAVING BEEN THE CAUSE AND RAISON D'ETRE FOR CHARGING PHIRI WHICH IS A MARCH-2001-SOUTH AFRICAN-ARMY-INSPECTOR-GENERAL-REPORT WHICH REPORT PHIRI IS AS OF YEAR 2013 DENIED SUCH A REPORT DESPITE BEING THE ONE AND ONLY MEMBER CHARGED BY COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF-ZUMA FOR THE DISTURBANCES OF OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN ARMY COLLEGE IN PRETORIA.

Zuma-beleaguered Lieuteanat Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri and Family around early Year 2013

This is a Year 2013 PLEA FROM GOOD SAMARITANS OUT THERE FOR FIVE-MILLION-RAND-DONATION IN ORDER TO DEFEAT ZUMA IN A COURT CASE AGAINST OR A FEW MORE OTHERS). ACCOUNT NUMBER FOR ENABLING PHIRI TO FIGHT A POTENTIALLY-SUCCESFUL COURT CASE AGAINST MR JACOB ZUMA IN SOUTH AFRICA IS 9074472391-ABSA-SAVINGS-ACCOUNT-CENTURION-PRETORIA-SOUTH-AFRICA-FOR-GOODMAN-MANYANYA-PHIRI.

Chief Justice of South Africa's Constitutional Court in front of whom my pleas shall be laid officially bare in my fight against Jacob Zuma over his wanton disregard in matters relating to rule of law at the expense of at least one South African called Mr Goodman Manyanya Phiri, a lieutenant colonel in South Africa’s National Defence Force

Of course, once money has been asap deposited into Phiri account, I will talk to my Bank (ABSA/Barclays in South Africa) to transfer your donation to a separate account vouchsafed by revenue laws of the Republic, whereupon I will transfer the money to my attorney and advocates fighting my case against an under-educated Jacob Zuma who thinks South Africa can be ruled by political 'majoritarianism' rather than by the rule of law!

MERRY CHRISTMAS AND A VERY HAPPY NEW YEAR TO YOU GLOBAL READER OF MY BLOG, BUT BLOG-OWNER AND I SOUTH AFRICAN LIEUTENANT COLONEL GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI IS HEREBY TENDERING A PLEA TO YOU PERSONALLY FOR FIVE MILLLION RAND (R5 OOO OOO) DONATE TO ME THAT AMOUNT WHICH WILL ENABLE ME TO FIGHT MR JACOB ZUMA IN COURT AND WIN AGAINST HIM TOO! I MEAN BEING ELECTED IN MANGAUNG BY 3000 RACIALLY- OR TRIBALLY-COMPROMISED DELEGATES 'JUST BECAUSE 'ZUMA BELONGS TO THE VERY MAJORITY NGUNI TRIBE WHERE ZUMA AND NELSON MANDELA COME FROM' DOES NOT MAKE MR-ZUMA-YOU FEARED BY GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI' Rule your country, Sir; but till my last breath, I intend to challenge you for your corruption, your profligacy, and your disregard for rule of law in the Republic of South Africa and Africa's 'hottest' economy for that matter. As of now, I am asking for any good Samaritan(s) to help pay money for my lawyers who must defend me at the Constitutional Court (Headed by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng) against your strings in 27-year-old-persecution acts by you Mr Zuma against Phiri since exile

MY ONE CASE IN FRONT OF CHIEFJUSTICE MOGOENG MOGOENG TO FORCE JACOB ZUMA TO ABIDE BY THE RULE OF LAW IN SOUTH AFRICA (THESE ARE JUST MY IDEAS THAT ADVOCATE THAMI NCONGWANE OR ANY OTHER EQUALLY-GOOD LAWYER WILL TAKE INSTRUCTIONS ON IN ORDER TO DEFEAT JACOB ZUMA IN FRONT OF CHIEF JUSTICE MOGOENG MOGOENG'S CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA AS WE CANNOT STAND EITHER RACISM OF ANY TYPE IN THIS LAND OR JACOB ZUMA'S NGUNI TRIBALISM THAT HE LEARNT FROM NELSON MANDELA HENCE HIS REAPPOINTMENT TO THE HELM OF THE ANC JUST BECAUSE THE NGUNIS ARE A MAJORITY IN SOUTH AFRICA... PHIRI LOVES THE NGUNIS BECAUSE I ORIGANATE MOST PATERNALLY FROM KWAZULU NATAL AND MY MOTHER IS A NGUNI-SWAZI BUT I CANNOT STAND THE ABUSE OF POWER, THE RIDING ROUGHSHOD ON RIGHTS OF CITIZENS, AND THE ABUSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS OF SOUTH AFRICANS AS CHAMPIONED BY ZUMA). In fact, the draft you see hereunder has had a polishing up, a consummation, and a presentation in front of Gauteng North's Judge Preller, but the honourable judge in his wisdom did not accept it and ordered that ['Phiri be charged first and only after being charged then come back to the Judge to present his complaint about Jacob Zuma's disregard of the basics of democracy via his abuse of the Mandela-supported Nguni majoritarianism in South Africa while these fellows are busy breaking down South Africa and her Defence Force into a stinking dustbin of corruption and lack of professionalism while unnecessarily blaming a long-dead Apartheid for their graft, greed, and ignorance']

IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT

(REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA)

CASE NO.

In the matter between

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI Applicant

and

THE PRESIDENT, REPUBLIC

OF SOUTH AFRICA, N.O 1^ST Respondent

And

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND

VETERANS AFFAIRS 2^ND Respondent

And

THE DIRECTOR, MILITARY PROSECUTIONS ,

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE 3^RD Respondent

and

THE SECRETARY FOR DEFENCE 4^TH Respondent

and

THE CHIEF OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN

NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE 5^TH Respondent

And

THE GENERAL OFFICER COMMANDINGTHE SOUTH

AFRICAN ARMY’S INTELLIGENCE FORMATION 6^TH Respondent

and

THE CHIEF OF STAFF(ACTING) OF THE SOUTH

AFRICAN ARMY INTELLIGENCE FORMATION 7^TH Respondent

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

I, the undersigned,

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

do hereby state under oath as follows:

THE PARTIES

1.1 I am an adult male, and a Lieutenant Colonel in the South African National Defence Force (“the SANDF”) at Army Headquarters, Dequar Road, Pretoria. I am the Applicant in this matter.

1.1.1 The facts contained herein are within my personal knowledge unless the contrary is expressly stated and are, to the best of my knowledge and belief, both true and correct.

1.2 The First Respondent is the President of the Republic of South Africa, who is cited herein in his capacity as the Commander in Chief of the South African Armed Forces and the highest office in the South African National Defence Force. His address for the purposes of service in this application is situated at the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.3 The 2^ND Respondent is the Minister of Defence and Military Veteran’s Affairs, cited in her capacity as the Political Head of the Department of Defence, and whose address for the purposes of service in this application is situated at the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.4 The 3^RD Respondent is the Director, Military Prosecutions, Department of Defence; whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.5 The 4^TH Respondent is the Secretary for Defence whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.6 The 5^TH Respondent is the Chief of the South African National Defence Force whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, Fedsure Forum, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.7 The 6^TH Respondent is the General Officer Commanding the South African Army’s Intelligence Formation whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

1.8 The 7^TH Respondent is the Acting Chief of Staff of the South African Army’s Intelligence Formation whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, Fedsure Forum, Cnr Van de Walt and Pretorius Streets, Pretoria, Gauteng.

INTRODUCTION

2.1This is an application to this Honourable Court for various urgent and interim orders as well as final orders in the following terms:

2.1.1 An order dispensing with the forms of service and Notice periods required in this Honourable Court in terms of Rule 6(12) of the Rules of this Honourable Court.

2.1.2 Urgent stay of my arraignment before the Military Court on 4 November 2011 as planned by the 2^ND to the 7^TH Respondents in terms of Part A of the Notice of Motion pending the investigation and resolution by the 1^st Respondent, of my grievance which I initially submitted with my superior in terms of the policy and procedure in The Defence Act and the Military Disciplinary Supplementary Measures Act, on 7 March 2001 and which grievance remains outstanding to date.

2.1.3 An order that the 1^ST Respondent must comply with the provisions of the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act, Act No. 3 of 2000 in that he must investigate and resolve my grievance which I lodged with his office on 6 November 2002 in terms of the policy and procedure of the SANDF after the failure to address the grievance by certain officials in the SANDF who are my superiors but are of junior rank to the 1^ST Respondent.

2.14 An order that the 1^ST Respondent must report to this Honourable Court within 6 months of the Order of this Honourable Court as to how he would have complied with the terms of this Order.

2.15 In part B of the Notice of Motion, an order that the Respondents are finally interdicted from charging me before the Military Court in respect of the blogging of information pertaining to my grievance which I filed with the 1^STRespondent and/ or any related charges.

2.16 An order directing that the Respondents pay the costs of these

proceedings

2.1.7 Any other relief that the Honourable Court might find appropriate after hearing the application.

URGENCY

This case is extremely urgent because I have been informed by the officials of the Respondent that I must attend at their office on 4 November 2011 for the purposes of the new charges to be read out to me.

BRIEF BACKGROUND FACTS

3.1 The Respondents and I (excluding the 1^ST Respondent) are involved in a 10 year legal battle concerning my persecution by the Respondents for exposing certain corrupt practices by officials of the South African National Defence Force. The case is now on appeal in the Constitutional Court under case number CCT87/2011.

The case arose because in the period between 2000 and March 2001, while I was attending at the South African Army College (“the College”), there were allegations of racial disharmony among the members of the College community.

The allegations received widespread publicity in the media. In the period between February and March 2001. As a result, an investigation was ordered by the Army Chief, then Lieutenant General Gilbert Lebeko Ramano, to inquire into the allegations.

3.2 On 6^th March 2001 the Inspector General, Brigadier General Enoch Mashoala, and his assistant Inspectors, Colonels Oupa Mokalake and Magdalena White (“the Inspectors”), arrived at the College to carry out the investigation. On that day Brigadier General Mashoala (“the Inspector”) addressed the students at the College, and invited any person with information in regard to the racial disharmony to make submissions to the Inspectors; and at that very moment, being a senior student by rank, I raised my hand and informed the Inspector General that I had the knowledge of all the facts about the racial disharmony at the College.

3.3 The Inspectors spent a full month at the College investigating the allegations of racial disharmony at the College; and before the end of that period, on 06^th March 2001, I went to the Inspectors’ office to make submissions, since I had not been given the opportunity despite my offer to give information to the investigators.

3.4 Colonel White informed me that I was late; and that the investigation had been completed and a report already finalised. I felt that the door had been shut unreasonably against me; as I had indicated in an open audience that I would be of great assistance in the investigation. Accordingly, on 7^th March 2001 I lodged my own grievance against the Inspectors including the Inspector General for disregarding my submissions. A copy of my grievance is attached as Annexure A. Please also refer to Annexure B which is the letter of acknowledgement of receipt.

3.5 To my surprise, on 9^th March 2001, I was given notice to appear before the Military Court for misconduct. Eleven (11) charges were proffered against me; ranging from using threatening or insulting language, insubordination or disobeying lawful commands, of conduct prejudicial to military discipline; to riotous or unseemingly behaviour and common law crimen iniuria. Apparently, the charges related to incidents that had allegedly happened in February 2001. A copy of the charges is annexed hereto as Annexure C.

3.6 The charges are extremely serious in the military culture and environment; and if I am convicted of any one of them, a prison term and expulsion from the SANDF might be imposed.

3.7 Subsequently, during the proceedings in the Military Court, some of the Respondents’ witnesses referred to the Inspector General’s report made after the investigation of racial disharmony at the College.

My Counsel could not duly cross examine the witnesses as I had not been furnished with the Inspector’s report.

3.8 It is common caused between the Respondents and I that I made an urgent application to the North Gauteng High Court for, inter alia, an order to compel the Respondents to furnish me with all the documents that were necessary for my defence, before the proceedings in the Military Court could proceed and that the order was granted.

3.9 It is further common cause that a dispute ensued as to whether the Respondents had complied with that order, the outstanding issue now being whether or not the Respondents furnished me with the “South African Army Inspector General’s report involving Phiri et al at South African Army College”. Herein, I have referred to that report as the “Inspector General’s report”.

3.10 On 26^th July 2005 the Respondents applied in the North Gauteng High Court, before the Honourable Sithole J for an order, inter alia, declaring that they had complied with the Court Order and that the proceedings before the Military Court should proceed. Their application was dismissed with costs.

3.11 The Respondents appealed the dismissal of their application to the Full Bench of the North Gauteng High Court. The Full Bench as per the Honourable Tuchten J upheld the appeal with costs; and set aside the High Court Judgment in Case number A478/08.

3.12 I applied for special leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeal in case number and my application was dismissed on 16 August 2011.

3.13 I have now applied for the special leave of the Constitutional Court to appeal that decision in Case number CCT87/2011, on the grounds, inter alia that my Constitutional rights to a fair trial, to protection of the law and to the adjudication of my civil disputes by an independent and impartial court in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 are being jeopardised. The case is still pending.

3.14 In the meantime my own grievance which I lodged with the Respondents on 7 March 2001 remains unattended and unresolved by the Respondents to date. Over the years and under pressure of the persecution orchestrated by the Respondents particularly through the aforesaid Military Court charges, I have sought in vain to escalate and seek urgent resolution of my grievance with the Respondents. The main reason that I have made these efforts is that if a full scale investigation is made into the events that my grievance relate to it will be found that I am in fact a whistleblower who was persecuted for exposing certain senior army officials who engaged in corrupt and scandalous activities such as the giving of sexual favours in order to pass courses and the precipitation of racial disharmony at the college. I therefore escalated the grievance in terms of the stipulated procedures of the South African National Defence Force. However, there was never a substantive response to my grievance. Instead the Respondents and many other co-conspirators in the SANDF have persecuted and sought to expel me from the SANDF without just cause because they do not want the whole world to know of the rottenness within their ranks. After making many attempts to be heard through the stipulated channels to no avail I decided to publicly name and shame the perpertrators of the vices and my persecutors. I created a blog on the World Wide Web wherein I posted all the vital information starting to the beginning of the strife between me and the Respondents at the SANDF in 2001 and highlighting all my efforts to be heard. Further I kept updates of developments relating to my persecution for exposing the truth.

On the--- day of April 2011 the Respondents applied for an interdict to stop me from publicising all this information through the internet. After taking legal advice I agreed to stop publishing this information on the internet and the parties’ settlement agreement was duly made an Order of Court before the Honourable -----J.

The order specifically stated that the Respondents should not use the facts of that matter against me in the future. In fact this was one of the main reasons why I was inclined to agree to this Order, in order to keep peace between myself and the Respondents in the future. I am however puzzled that the Respondents now seek to charge me in the Military Court for the very same reason, my publishing on the internet of the information of my long-standing dispute with the Respondents, notwithstanding the Respondents’ undertaking in the High Court at the time of the settlement order.

I have made numerous attempts to make peace with the Respondents out of Court. In 2003 to 2004 after the original Order by the Honourable Claasen J, my legal team and I attended several meetings with the Respondents in order to reach some finality in the matters between us, to no avail. This year my attorneys made telephone calls to the Respondents’ attorneys to seek a meeting, without success. My attorneys also wrote a letter, attached as Annexure C to seek a meeting to resolve the cases between me and the Respondents . This letter was never responded to.

Instead, I was telephoned by ___ of the Respondents and informed that I must appear before--- on 4 November 2011 for new proceedings to be initiated in the Military Court arising out of the publishing of the information pertaining to my grievance on the internet. The procedure of the Military Court proceedings are that the charges are only communicated to me in person on the day in question and I sign for them. I will only obtain a copy of the charge sheet at a later stage when disclosure for the purposes of the trial is being made. I am therefore unable to produce any documentary proof of the impending charges but I have been reliably informed by the Respondents’ representatives that I will again be arraigned on 4 November 2011. I have a long history of persecution by the Respondents manifesting through the pending Military Court charges and their concerted efforts to ensure that I do not get justice as highlighted by their failure to provide the documents which I require in order to defend myself and their unwillingness to resolve our differences out of court. I am therefore convinced that the Respondents will grab any opportunity to bring me down that may present itself and will even create such opportunities because they are desperate to get rid of me in the SANDF. I have no doubt that these new charges being brought up in contravention of the Respondents’ own earlier commitment not to use the facts that were subject to their application against me in April 2011 against me, are a ploy to finish me off since I have now taken the old charges of 2001 to the Constitutional Court and the Respondents are concerned that those charges of 2001 may be unsuccessful in pulling me down because there are high prospects of success in my case. This is a new attempt which I have good reason to be very apprehensive of, given the suffering that I have gone through at the hands of the Respondents.

CLEAR RIGHT

I have the right to the protection of the law in terms of section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,1996. Section 9 reads as follows:

9.(1) Everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law.

The Respondents are using the Courts, in particular the Military Court as a means of punishing me for being the whistle-blower at the SA Army College in 2001. Their deliberate exclusion of my contributions to the investigations that took place at the college is clear testimony of this. I have a clear right to be protected from discrimination and/ or persecution on the basis that I was an outspoken critic of the vices that infested the SA Army College.

Further, I have a clear Constitutional right to freedom of conscience and freedom of expression as per section 15(1) and 16(1) of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996. It would have haunted my conscience not to expose the corruption at the College.

I also have a right emanating from the settlement agreement that we made in April 2011 from any proceedings emanating from the facts that gave rise to the settlement agreement.

In addition and very critically, I have a right to just administrative action in terms of section 33 of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996 and in terms of the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act (PAJA). I have the right to have my grievance properly investigated and resolved by the Respondents, the 1^st Respondent in particular since the grievance is now with his office. PAJA specifically grants me the following rights:

· The right to be told in advance of the procedural steps that will be taken to address my grievance.

· The right to be informed of my rights in relation to the whole process.

· The right to have my side of the story considered before a decision is made.

· The right to be informed what the decision is and of my rights to any appeal or review procedures available.

· The right to be given reasons for the decision.

· The right to challenge the decision in Court.

The failure of the Respondents to address my grievance in the aforesaid manner means that they have not only violated my rights but also contravened the law. They have dirty hands and should not be allowed to continue using the legal process to fulfil their unholy intentions of punishing me for exposing the rot in the SANDF and silencing me through harassment. It is my humble submission that the Respondents are estopped from proceeding with any action against me in respect of the same issues which they deliberately fail to address in terms of the dictates of administrative justice and my right to be heard.

IRREPARABLE HARM

The charges which the Respondents intend to bring against me are simply an addition to the persecution that I am already going through at the hands of the Respondents. For the past 10 years I have tremendously suffered in my finances, my career as well as my emotional and social well-being due to the first charges as the matter continues in the Courts. I have become a classic example of persecution on the grounds of conscience and expression in that I chose not to remain silent over the corruption, sex scandals and the racism at the SA Army College. The charges against me were instituted on 9^th March 2001, after I had lodged my complaint on 6^th March 2001in a strategic move to silence me.

6.2 This therefore shows clearly that the SANDF authorities had decided to ignore or to cover-up whatever was going on at the College. And so, when I laid a formal complaint against the Inspectors for refusing to accept my further submissions on the matter, it meant that I wanted to reveal what the SANDF authorities had decided not to reveal.

Should the Respondents proceed to charge me again, I may expect another decade of incessant persecution at their hands. It boggles my mind that the Respondents would want to spend more than 10 years in court trying to stop me from getting all the information and documents I require in order to prepare for my defence against the charges that they drummed up against me. If the Respondents were just, fair or reasonable they would have long given me all the documents, specifically the Inspector General’s report. If it indeed does not exist as they sometimes say, the Respondents would have at the very least produced a sworn statement from their Information Officer or any other senior official attesting to that effect. Despite the fact that the State Attorney who is the Respondents’ own lawyers once suggested this at one of our meetings in 2004 the Respondents have adamantly refused to do so. I can expect the same wanton disregard for my rights to be heard, my right to protection of the law, my right not be discriminated against, my freedom of conscience and my freedom of expression that the Respondents have already displayed. I have been previously harassed and raided at my residential place by 6 armed officers in April 2011 when the Respondents brought the interdict against me. I am therefore fearful that such unpalatable drama might recur since the Respondents are still bent on flouting my human and Constitutional rights. I therefore humbly request this Honourable Court to stop the Respondents from harassing me again through such spurious charges, particularly not before they have fully investigated and adjudicated on my grievance, which is now with the President of the State who is also the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces.

The purpose for instituting the proceedings against me in the Military Court, has always been and still remains to stop me from revealing what the SANDF authorities had decided to cover up; and to punish me for my concern that some of what was going on at the College, should not be allowed in the SANDF. I humbly request this Honourable Court to protect me from such vindictiveness

I have been litigating for ten years in regard to the whole dispute with the Respondents, I have run out of funds. I applied for legal aid but was turned down. The new charges being brought by the Respondents would drag me into other legal processes given that my experience with them is that they would not conduct the proceedings fairly as required by law.

7.2 The Court is further requested to note that partly due to my genuine desire to reach finality in the disputes I have with Respondents and partly because of the financial hardships I find myself due to the incessant litigation with the Respondents, I sought to resolve the dispute outside the court. In this regard, I had hoped that there was a high possibility that the matter would be resolved by an intervention of the Commander in Chief, the President. I also expected the Respondent to give due deference to such intervention and wait for the President’s response to my request to intervene. Instead they went ahead and applied for an order to resume the proceedings before the Military Court. In addition, they are now seeking to bring new charges, which clearly is meant to further frustrate and persecute me. Should this Honourable Court not grant an Order stopping the Respondents from doing so, I will be ruined.

BALANCE OF CONVENIENCE

I have considered waiting until the Respondents have officially charged me before bringing this application. However, this will not be helpful to me as the damage will already have been done. It is undoubted that the Respondents will charge me on 4 November 2011 unless this Honourable Court orders them not to do so. By so doing, they will set in motion a whole string of effects on me such as additional trauma, a hold on my career, another legal battle to fight given their history of denial of my rights and consequently more legal bills for me to pay, which puts me and my family in dire straits. On the other hand my own grievance lodged in 2001 remains unattended, whereas such investigation and ventilation of my issues would actually resolve all the Respondents’ cases against me. Should the Respondents verily believe that I am indeed guilty of all the things that they accuse me of, resolving my own grievance will at the most exonerate me and at the very least open their eyes to some highly mitigating factors. The Respondents might even change their thinking about me if only they approached my grievance with openness of mind and a commitment to get to the root of the issues. The issues between me and the Respondents are questions relating to the values and integrity of the SANDF and therefore this nation. It is only befitting that the 1^ST Respondent who is the highest ranking officer in the SANDF and whose national duties also include the protection of the values and integrity of the nation be given an opportunity to investigate, make findings on and determine on my grievance. I believe that once this has been done the charges against me will either be seen for what they truly are, namely persecution for my outspokenness against corruption, sex scandals and racism or they will be withdrawn by the Respondents upon their realisation that I should be applauded rather than prosecuted for exposing such vices.

I submit that I stand to lose everything should the Respondents not be stopped from charging me again before the 1^ST Respondents attends to my grievance. Hence my prayer for both urgent and interim relief as well as final relief. In contrast the Respondents stand to lose nothing if this order is granted. They will simply have to let justice take its course, the 1^ST Respondent must decide on my grievance first.

On or around 27 March 2011 I was physically suspended from the SANDF (albeit my first suspension with the effect that I was reduced to office furniture reporting to work doing nothing else) occurred around December 2002. Every other person that might have been involved in this matter at the College, except me, have long moved on with their normal lives. Thus the proceedings which the Respondents insist to bring before the Military Court, are only about me; my career, my freedom, my future and that of my family. I submit therefore, that the Respondents will not be prejudiced if an interdict in terms of the Notice of Motion is granted. On the contrary however, if it is not granted, I will face further persecution and suffering as I have already explained above. I respectfully submit that the balance of convenience favours the granting of the Orders as prayed for in the Notice of Motion.

NO OTHER REMEDY

I have no other recourse to take other than to approach this Honourable Court for relief. As already stated above I duly followed the procedures for submitting a grievance in the SANDF. My grievance is now with the highest office in the land. However nothing has been done to substantially deal with the issues that I have raised. I have approached the Respondents to try to resolve our differences out of court to no avail. My only remedy is to approach this Honourable Court for an Interdict.

In the premises, I humbly submit that I have made out a case for the granting of an Interdict both on an urgent and Interim basis and on a final basis as set out in the Notice of Motion; and I beseech the Honourable Court to grant the orders set out in the Notice of Motion.

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

DEPONENT

I CERTIFY that this affidavit has been sworn to and signed before me at PRETORIA on this ….. day of May 2011, by the above deponent who understands the contents hereof, that he has no objection against taking the prescribed oath and considers the oath as binding on his conscious, which oath was taken by me, as required by law.

_______________________

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

FULL NAMES: ……………………………….

ADRESS: …………………………………….

CAPACITY: …………………………………..

AREA: ………………………………………...

HERE IS THE OTHER CASE (OR TWO) GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI NEEDS TO GET RESOLVED WITH MR JACOB ZUMA, HONOURABLE CHIEF JUSTICE MOGOENG MOGOENG OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA.

""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""

IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA

[HELD AT BRAAMFONTEIN]

CASE NO :

CASE REF: 437 / 2011

In the matter between :

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI	Appellant

And

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE	1^STRespondent
DIRECTOR : MILITARY PROSECUTIONS DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE	2^ND Respondent

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

I, the undersigned

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

do hereby declare under oath as follows :

1.1 I am the Applicant in these proceedings.

1.2 The facts deposed herein are within my personal knowledge save where as otherwise stated; and are to the best of my knowledge both true and correct.

I confirm that the attached NOTICE AND GROUNDS OF APPEAL AGAINST REFUSAL TO GRANT LEAVE TO APPEAL BY THE SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL IN TERMS OF RULE 19 OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT RULES was prepared on my behalf by my legal representatives under my instruction and that I wish to incorporate it fully herein as part of my evidence. I confirm that this matter relates to the failure by the State to provide me with a crucial document in the trial in which I am prosecuted in the Military Court as per Annexure GMP4 the charge sheet. It is important for me to get information as to the investigations conducted, witnesses interviewed, the compilation of witnesses’ statements and the reports filed / submitted to those concerned inter alia, the sought-after report (i.e. South African Inspector General’s Report involving Phiri et al at the South African Army College for the period February to March 2001. This, of course, is for the purposes of preparing and conducting my defence as further expounded by my legal representatives in the attached Notice and Grounds of Appeal.

2.2 I was not invited to make a contribution to the investigation despite the fact that firstly,

I was the first in offering to give information and,
secondly, and according to the Charge Sheet now, I am supposed to have created such a furore at the College that I was deemed deserving of being the only one prosecuted from all those 100 or so other students and college staff who walked scot-free out of the investigations for racial disharmony. Indeed, I did reasonably request an opportunity to make my submissions to the investigations from day one February 6 2001 (resulting in a promise), as well as even prior to the arrival of the Inspector General where I was asking for opportunity to expose to college authorities a white instructor who was inciting racial confrontation on one hand, and a black instructor who was giving free marks to a student or two on the basis of sexual favours. Both General Mashoala (the Inspector General) and his subordinates declared me as having knocked too late on their door when I tried to remind them on 6 March 2001 about their promise to hear me a month before.

I found the aforegoing very strange as I was assured by the Brigadier General (Mashoala) that I would receive an audience from the Inspectors and my submissions would also be considered. Thus my letter of redress of wrongs to the Chief of Army, dated the 6^th March 2001 against the Brigadier General M.E. Mashoala in his capacity as President/Chairman of Chief Army’s Board of Inquiry, Preliminary Investigation, Commander’s Investigation or whatever term they want to call the investigation conducted at the SA Army College Feb – March 2001.

I denied that the Respondents furnished me with the document as reflected in Annexure SBM1 to their Answering Affidavit before the Supreme Court of Appeal. What the Respondents did was to present a doctored document, namely SBM1 as a way of confusing issues and in order to falsely convince the court that they had furnished the correct document.

This was a deliberate ploy to give an impression by using the language of Claassen J’s order,that they had complied with it. Other differences include the fact that SBM1 was signed by hand and that it is also very obviously retyped since the contents do not correspond with that of the original document. These subtle changes were meant to hoodwink the Full Bench of the North Gauteng High Court into believing that the Respondents had given me the requisite documents. Proof of this will be furnished at the appeal hearing should this Honourable Court grant me special leave to appeal as per the Notice of Motion.

Quite shockingly, the Respondents gave a second version that a written and comprehensive Inspector General’s Report as per court order of Claassen J, “South African Inspector General’s Report involving Phiri et al the South African Army College; February to March 2001.” [Dated: some time between February and March 2001] does not exist, and the full bench, now supported by the Supreme Court of Appeal, it is submitted erroneously agreed.

I am not in possession of any written and comprehensive Inspector General’s Report as per court order Claassen J; I submit it is simply because the Respondents steadfastly refuse to provide me with same for malicious reasons to prejudice me in the Military trial. I strongly believe that the said report does exist and in that regard I rely on the respondents’ own version in a document entitled Decision Brief under the topic “Modus Operandi” (PH6, page 2) where they say that the report was produced and ‘distributed to those concerned’. I further respectfully submit that these restricted documents are in the custody of the Respondents.

I respectfully submit that the said deponent’s mutating version is blatantly contradictory, self-destructive and unrealistic as the Respondents relentlessly try to truncate the report therein sought, by excluding its material contents i.e. that of witnesses’ statements or complainants’ statements or alternatively interview sheets compiled.

Based on the aforegoing, it is therefore not far-fetched nor inconceivable as I humbly submit, that the said document does in fact exist and that I am entitled to the contents thereof i.e. witnesses’ statements in order to have a fair trial, be able to fully prepare and properly defend myself in the proceedings before the Military Court. If the Respondents’ claim would be true (which I insist it is not) that the report which I seek does not exist, what baffles me is that there has never been any attempt on the Respondents’ part throughout this dispute to furnish an affidavit from the Information Officer in compliance with the Promotion of Access to Information Act.

The Inspector General’s Report produced some time in February and March 2001 (rather than the excuse dated 25 June 2001) remains crucial to my defence against the charges I am facing before the Military Court, upon which premise it will be argued inter alia in the Military Court, that the said charges were provoked by my insistence to make formal contributions relating to the initial investigations into racial disharmony at the SA Army College Feb – March 2001 as well as being a whistle-blower in terms of which I held evidence to be submitted to the said Inspectors relating to racial disharmony at the SA Army College Feb – March 2001, as envisaged in terms of the Protected Disclosure Act No.26 of 2000.

WHEREFORE I pray for an Order in terms of the Notice of Motion.

THUS DONE AND SWORN TO AT PRETORIA THIS______DAY OF________2011

______________

DEPONENT

I HEREBY CERTIFY THAT THE DEPONENT HAS ACKNOWLEDGED THAT HE/SHE KNOWS AND UNDERSTANDS THE CONTENTS OF THIS AFFIDAVIT, WHICH WAS SIGNED AND SWORN BEFORE ME AT ___________________ ON THIS ____ DAY OF ________________, THE REGULATIONS CONTAINED IN GOVERNMENT NOTICE NO. R1258 OF 21 JULY 1972, AS AMENDED, AND GOVERNMENT NOTICE NO. R1648 OF 19 AUGUST 1977, AS AMENDED, HAVING BEEN COMPLIED WITH.

________________________________

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

NAME:

ADDRESS:

CAPACITY:

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA HELD AT BLOEMFONTEIN

Case No.

Ref Case No.A474/08

In the matter between

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI Applicant

AND

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE First Respondent

DIRECTOR, MILITARY PROSECUTIONS,

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE Second Respondent

______________________________________________________________________

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

______________________________________________________________________

I, the undersigned,

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI,

do hereby make oath and state as follows:

I am an adult lieutenant colonel in the South African National Defence Force with my address of employment situated at Army Headquarters, Pretoria. My address for service in this matter is c/o my attorneys Messrs Muzah Attorneys of Suite 212 Rentbel Towers, Bureau Lane, Pretoria Central, Pretoria, c/o correspondents Messrs ____________of ______, Bloemfontein.

I am the applicant in this matter and the facts contained herein are, unless the contrary is expressly stated, within my personal knowledge and are to the best of my knowledge and belief both true and correct.

The First Respondent is the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans’ Affairs, currently the Honourable Ms Lindiwe Nonceba Sisulu, in her official capacity as assigned powers and functions in terms of the Constitution Act. Her address for service is c/o her attorneys of record The State Attorney, 4^th Floor, Fedsure Forum , Cnr Van der Walt and Pretorius Streets, Pretoria, Gauteng, South Africa. LOOKING FORWARD TO ADDRESS CONFIRMATION

The Second Respondent is The Director, Military Prosecutions, Department of Defence, with his address for service in this matter also c/o The State Attorney, 4^th Floor, Fedsure Forum, Cnr Van der Walt and Pretorius Streets, Pretoria Gauteng.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS APPLICATION

This is an application in terms of Rule 12(3) and Rule 6(3) of the Supreme Court of Appeal Rules as amended, for condonation for the late application for leave to appeal to this Honourable Court and for leave to appeal to this Honourable Court, respectively. Judgment was passed by the Full Bench of the Gauteng North High Court on 12 November 2010 against me. I should have applied for leave to appeal timeously to this Honourable Court, within the specified period of 20 working days after the judgment. However, due to financial constraints and the hope that my grievances would be addressed out of court, as I will more fully explain below, I did not apply for leave to appeal within the stipulated period. I now bring before this Honourable Court the circumstances which led to my failure to apply for leave to appeal timeously, together with a frank assessment of the prospects of success of my case on the merits. I request this Honourable Court to favourably consider my explanation for the delay and my prospects of success on the merits and to thus grant me condonation for the late application for leave to appeal. I therefore request leave to apply for leave to appeal out of time.

Secondly, I am also simultaneously applying for leave to appeal to this Honourable Court on the basis that there are high prospects that a different court might reach a different decision to the one made by the Gauteng North High Court when it ruled against me on 12 November 2010.

The ultimate purpose of this matter is to successfully appeal against the whole of the judgment of the Gauteng North High Court of 12 November 2010 in which the court ruled in favour of the Respondents herein that they had complied with the previous High Court judgment as per Judge Claasen, in which (Claasen order) it was held that I am entitled to have access to the reports wherein my name is mentioned, particularly the report emanating from the South African Army College investigation (by the Army’s Inspector General and Team of two subordinates Mokalake and White) into racial disharmony in February to March 2001. Access to this report is crucial to enable me to conduct my defence in the military court case pending against me in Case Number 98007693PE.

I ultimately seek further to obtain an order directing the Respondents to supply copies of the documents or reports to me as per the Honourable Judge Claasen’s order, for the purposes as aforesaid of the preparation and the conduct of my defence at the Military Judge’s Court.

I also seek an order suspending the proceedings at the Court of Senior Military Judge, pending that I be supplied with the relevant document(s) and/ or report(s). The Respondents (Applicants in the court a quo) have not complied with the order of the High Court as per the Honourable Judge Claasen in Case Number 7697/04.

10.

I therefore seek an order in the following specific terms on appeal:

i. The hearing in the Court of Senior Military Judge, Reference No. 98007693PE against Applicant be stayed pending the orders prayed for under prayers 3 and 4a herein AND THAT IN THE EVENT THAT RESPONDENT DECLARES DOCUMENTS ARE LOST OR DO NOT EXIST THE CHARGES BE DROPPED AS ALLEGING RACIAL CONFRONTATION BETWEEN APPLICANT AND COLONEL KLEYNHANS.

ii. Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri is entitled to have access to documents and / or information held by the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans’ Affairs/ and or any of her/his delegated subordinates, in exercising or protecting his rights in the trial pending in the military court;

iii. The Minister of Defence and Military Veterans’ Affairs and/ or any of her delegated subordinates be ordered and directed to furnish Applicant with the following document(s) namely, the South African Army Inspector General’s Report involving Goodman Manyanya Phiri and others at the South African Army College, dated anytime between February to March 2001

iv. Granting Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri such further or alternative relief as this court deems fit

v. Ordering that the Respondents herein, jointly and severally, the one paying the other to be absolved, pay the costs of this appeal including the costs of the application for leave to appeal.

11.

In summary therefore, the purpose of this application is to request the condonation of this Honourable Court for failure to apply for leave to appeal to it timeously, secondly to request the leave of the Court to apply for leave to appeal out of time and ultimately to apply for leave to appeal to this Honourable Court on the grounds that there are good prospects that this Honourable Court might find differently from the Court a quo.

BRIEF BACKGROUND FACTS TO THIS APPLICATION

12.

I am a male member of the officer corps of the South African National Defence Force ipso facto commissioned thereto by the President of the Republic of South Africa. I might as well add that, as is the case with all other officers, I am definitely not a member of the other corps or “men” comprising of mere candidates to the officer corps or even troops, like privates, corporals, sergeants, staff sergeants, and sergeant majors etc. all of whom, rather than from the State President, do get their ranks by a mere warrant from the Minister of Defence. I therefore enjoy direct and lawful access to The State President just as long as I have followed the channels of command of all those above me: colonel, brigadier general, major general, lieutenant general and General Chief of the SANDF (as of this writing, Acting Chief, Lieutenant General Solly Shoke).

Without assuming anything about my profession, I need to highlight that officers, being apart from “men” or “troops” in movies caricatured by gun battles, expletives, chain-smoking, drunkenness, brawls and sexual activities, I as an officer, a gentleman and the “thinking machine” for the troops, am (together with my fellow officers in our corps) not only expected to uphold the highest standard of truthfulness, social decorum, sobriety and all that is best in human civilization (or face dishonourable discharge and dismissal), but I am also governed by a code of conduct spelling out loyalty to my commander in chief and head of state (at this instance President Zuma) via his chain of command alluded to earlier: the General (Chief of the SANDF), Lieutenant Generals, Major Generals, Brigadier Generals, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants.

In all, the most hated qualities in me as an officer, or any other officer for that matter, are gluttony, drunkenness, failure to protect troops or even an appetite to exploit the troops’ juniority (for sex or any other undue advantage). However, the two worst things an officer like me can do is to be disloyal to his government (a traitor) and to be a coward. In the last regard, albeit none of the SANDF officers I know are cowards, I need to inform this Court that because of the high level of intimidation exemplified currently by an armed raid of my house conducted by then Acting Chief of the SANDF Lieutenant General Temba Templeton Matanzima who was attempting by clear order of Jacob Zuma to to either take away evidence I have of the 2001 racial conflict and college corruption weighing heavily against the said Matanzima’s Eastern Cape tribe (or have me assassinated OR BOTH INTENTIONS), it has been very difficult to get statements under oath to support my plea to this court, let alone having those few deponents I have to (per signature) attest, as per court rules, to have “read the founding affidavit of Goodman Manyanya Phiri”. I hope the Honourable Court will understand the reality of the situation of utter fear for the likes of Lieutenant General Matanzima in unravelling the current case dating as far back as 2001.

In any event, here is the genesis of the now four court encounters between me and the Respondent, outside her Department of Defence and Military Veterans’ Affairs. During the last few months of the Year 2000 I, already a lieutenant colonel by rank, was nominated to attend a course with some 90 (fifty) officer-corps students (majors by rank) at the South African Army College, a course that was immediately torn apart from the very beginning, by black-officer drunkenness, sex favours for promotion and racial conflict (meaning some blacks were angry about other blacks who were not of their own tribe; some blacks were angry about whites; some whites were angry about some blacks; and some whites were angry about all blacks).

In that vein I must mention that the College was run by a Commandant whose tribe or ethnic group is from the Eastern Cape, just like the once-Acting Chief of the SANDF, the aforementioned Temba Templeton Matanzima. For those black majors who had ethnic links with the Eastern Cape (particularly, Student Leader Kgotso Edmund Matli and self-professed cousin of both former President Nelson Mandela and Lieutenant General Matanzima: one female Major Bobelo-Zini), the similarly-Eastern-Cape black racial hue of the Commandant did with impunity open an avenue for the breaking of practically all decorum of officership. So, and very much against the rules governing the officer corps as so well stated in my intro, there was the Eastern-Cape-black-race-promoted rampant sex on the college and drunkenness that even sucked in at least one of the male black instructors of the college who ended up unfairly passing at least one ex-Eastern-Cape female student who was otherwise doomed to fail but dared not, just because she could apparently give the requisite sex to a corrupt instructor and she had powerful names to rely on, like the aforementioned Mandela and Matanzima.

Every time white seniors of the college and other whites who were students with us tried to stop the rot led by black Eastern Cape, they were wrongfully told by both the “Mandela/Matanzima female cousin” Major Bobelo and Student Leader Major Matli that those whites were essentially being anti-black-government or anti-black people. Us black students, particularly myself, who joined the whites in condemning this ungentlemanly profligacy by members of this tribe of the Eastern Cape on course with us, were also essentially labelled “puppets of white people” and everything was done and said by both the powerful Student Leader Matli and “Mandela/Matanzima Cousin” Bobelo-Zini (who was later joined by her sex-for-promotion instructor Lieutenant Colonel Raymond Lentsoe, a course leader or “deputy principal” of the course) to make us look bad or even to falsely accused us of being the fomentors of college black racism. For more information on what was happening at that College back then in 2001, I wish to attach the affidavits of two fellow students, a white female Gertruida Bam, a white male Herman Claassen, who together or separately witnessed the college drunkenness, the fraternization between Mandela/Matanzima Cousin Student Bobelo-Zini and habitually-intoxicated Instructor Raymond Lentsoe, who subsequently passed the major corruptly. As of this affidavit, Bobelo-Zini, unable to say boo to a goose for her rank, is ranked brigadier general crucially because of the corruption she and the aforementioned Lentsoe got themselves involved with back in 2001.

13.

During February to March 2001 certain investigations into the allegations of racial disharmony were ordered by Army Chief then Lieutenant General Gilbert Lebeko Ramano and subsequently conducted by Army Inspector General Enock Muiseng Mashoala and his sub-inspectors Colonels Oupa Mokalake and Magdalena White at the institution. Being born also in the Eastern Cape and also being subsequently insincere in his investigation in that College, the said Mashoala compounded the problem of the racial disharmony, rather than solved it. However, I need to highlight the fact that by this time of the racial struggle as instigated by the aforementioned black grouping with an Eastern-Cape link, too many white members of the College, students and teachers alike, had as a reaction also developed a negative racial attitude towards blacks. Some of them whites who were apparently bosom friends of Course Chief Instructor (CI) one Colonel Kleynhans, I even caught red-handed planning ways and means of racially fighting back an “anti-white Major Matli”, which I duly reported to all the college authorities only to make more enemies for myself from the “white racist grouping” this time round, over and above my original enemies, “the Eastern Cape black tribal grouping” of Mandela-Matanzima Cousin Bobelo-Zini and Matli, the student leader.

In any case, as a senior student by rank and by virtue of being informed of the racial troublemakers who came from both camps black and white, I, even in the presence of Inspector General Mashoala, volunteered to give information to him and his investigators in relation to pinpointing individual troublemakers in the racial conflict but he and his team patently went into a methodical and aggressive campaign to secretly call to attestation under oath viva voce and by means of written submissions practically every individual student and teacher who mattered in the issue while avoiding me (even where I was as clearly negatively implicated as attested by the joint statement of Colonels Lentsoe and Kleynhans the Chief Instructor or CI, which see Enclosure……as attached) for the entire month-long investigation by the Inspector General’s team of the aforesaid threesome (February 06-March 06, 2001). Shortly thereafter and to my utter surprise, I was on 09 March 2001 formally warned for military court appearance, on charges which emanated from the said investigations. These charges were brought in terms of the Military Disciplinary Code as read with the Defence Act No. 44 of 1957 as amended, as well as the Military Disciplinary Supplementary Measures Act. A total of 11 charges, including 5 alternative charges was pressed against me. These charges are of a serious nature, including inter alia, ‘Using Threatening, Insubordinate or Insulting Language; Conduct Prejudicial to Military Discipline; Riotous or Unseemly Behaviour and common law Crimen Injuria’. Due to the seriousness of these charges, they carry upon conviction, a mandatory prison sentence of not more than 6 months. In addition, should I be convicted I stand to lose my employment and my employment benefits in terms of the Defence Act and the Military Disciplinary Supplementary Measures Act. The copies of the charge sheet as well as the averment of Colonels Kleynhans and Lentsoe will form part of the record that will be presented to this Honourable Court on appeal.

14.

It became clear at the commencement of my trial that the charges were based on the statements of this certain ‘witness’ (Colonel Johan Hendrik Beyers Kleynhans and his corroborator Colonel Raymond Atlholang Lentsoe) who made reference to the Inspector General’s Investigation (c. 06 Feb-06Mar 2001) and the subsequent report to which I have already alluded above. Of course, I am not certain of the exact date of this report but it was definitely finalized on or about 06 March 2001 and very much three days, at least, to the day (09 March 2001) I was charged (among other allegations as alluded to above) for calling a certain white senior “a white racist”. This report is of tremendous importance to my defence because it immediately preceded my 09 March arraignment before the Military Court. I believe that this report contains certain crucial information which will absolve me before the Military Court. My belief is further reinforced by the fact that since 2001 the Respondents have (inclusive of their action of essentially refusing to come before Judge Claasen for the purpose of giving account under Case Number 7697/04) fought tooth and nail against me accessing or possessing this report.

15.

Initially, and after several fruitless attempts to obtain the documents which I required in order to properly prepare for and conduct my defence in the Military Court in 2001, I brought an application in the Military Court in early 2002 for those documents to be furnished to me. The Military Court ruled that it had no power to make such an order.

16.

I immediately resorted to the procedure afforded by the Promotion of Access to Information Act, No. 2 of 2000. However, this also failed because one Major H. S. Pretorius (the Information Officer for the Respondents), in spite of a clear-cut disabusal on my part, incorrectly dug his heels in alleging that the documents were required by myself for the purposes of civil litigation against the Department of Defence and thus were not, according to his reading of the Act, covered by the said Act. I was thus left high and dry.

17.

In early 2003, the Second Respondent sought to recommence the proceedings against me before the Military Court. However, the case had to be adjourned again after my Senior Military Defence Counsel correctly indicated that I as yet had to be furnished with the all-important documents which I required in order to effectively defend the matter.

18.

Despite that clarion call of mine through my Senior Military Defence Counsel, the adjournment came and went and yet the documents continued to be denied me. When the matter resumed it was before a new judge, namely Judge Piet Retief Venter, who initially refused to await the provision of these documents. However, he reluctantly postponed the trial again after I had applied for his recusal on the basis of his bias against me, though he still dismissed the application for his own recusal.

19.

I must state that in the entirety of the period of all these postponements of the trial, both my Senior Military Defence Counsel and I kept knocking on the Respondents’ various doors, requesting that the documents be furnished to me, to no avail. Suffice it to say, I have never simply sought to delay the administration of justice as is frequently alleged by the Respondents, but I have actively sought the proper information which would enable me to conduct my defence and thus to bring the matter of these charges to finality and a definitive closure. There is a trail of various correspondence between my attorneys and the Respondents’ which bear testimony that I was and still am actively seeking finality. Because of the limitation to only 30 pages for this application, limited to the barest essential facts for the Court to grant me both the condonation and the leave to note an appeal, I am unable to bring these papers into this application as it is.. However, these documents form part of the whole record of appeal which will be brought before this Honourable Court in the prosecution of the appeal itself. Thus, just to reiterate, I actively seek the proper conclusion of the trial which remains pending before the Military Court but I cannot accede to such finality being brought at the expense of my access to and possession of information which I believe will absolve me from the preferred charges.

20.

I must also mention that despite general resistance towards complying with my requests, at several stages during our exchanges the Respondents and/ or their delegated subordinates like General Sphiwe Nyanda then Chief of the SANDF did pop up a glimmer of hope that created in me a legitimate expectation of being on course to be ultimately furnished with the requested documents because they kept on giving assurances to myself, to my Senior Military Defence Counsel and to my attorneys for the High Court that these would be furnished. However, they never honoured those commitments and in fact ultimately somersaulted and alleged that I had already been furnished with ALL the documents, as early as 2004 (post-Claasen Judgment at the High Court), when I had in fact been given everything but the most crucial document which is the report issued by the office of Army Inspector General Mashoala and sub-inspectors Mokalake and White, dated on or about 06 March 2001 and very prior to my arraignment March 09, 2001.

21.

As for how I was left with no option but to appeal for remedies from the High Court through Judge Claasen, this is how the matter panned out, just for some semblance of more detail. On or about 26 February 2004 the then three-year-old military trial against me resumed before Senior Military Judge Michael Albertus Venter who outrightly and surprisingly blamed me for ‘causing the delay’ due to my insistence that I should receive the requisite documents and reports before the trial could proceed in the honourable Court of Senior Military Judge. In total disregard for the due administration of justice, the honourable Court of Senior Military Judge ordered that the trial continues and I was forced to plead. I pleaded not guilty to all the charges against me. The Prosecution called their first two witnesses (Colonel Edward Frans Drost and an individual who (Colonel Raymond Atlholang Lentsoe) as admitted by the Respondents, had also three years before participated in the since-controversial Army College investigations and their subsequently hidden report at the behest of Army Inspector General Mashoala and his sub-inspectors White and Mokalake) and they both testified against me, making in the process yet again reference to the documents which I had all along been requesting, particularly the Army Inspector General’s Report that was finalized on or about 06 March 2001. My defence Counsel could not proceed without access to those documents so we reserved the right to cross-examine those two witnesses. Thereafter the matter was postponed to 23 March 2004.

22.

It is at that exact meantime of postponement that I approached the High Court (via Honourable Judge Claasen) on an urgent basis for an order inter alia, halting the Military Court trial until such time as I would be furnished with the specified documents and any other document relevant to the trial. The High Court as per the Honourable Judge Claasen granted that order on 23 March 2004 in Case Number 7697/04.

23.

On 19 April 2004 the Respondents wrote a letter to my attorneys, enclosing certain documents in purported complete compliance with the order of Judge Claasen. These ‘Enclosures’ and the accompanying letter(s) are also part of the record which will be before this Honourable Court on appeal, should this Honourable Court be with us in our application herein.

24.

From the onset, I disputed that the Respondents had completely complied with the order because the documents that they provided were not only lacking the full complement ordered by Judge Claasen, but they were too often individually truncated with the result that the most essential elements thereof (like minutes or statements of participants etc) were clearly either cut out and simply replaced with ineffectual facts copy-and-paste style or whole swathes of supposedly-recorded documentary material was patently and simply excluded for the obvious purposes of denying me good defence when the trial recommences at the military court. This protest on my part was ventilated to Respondents by way of a letter addressed from my attorneys to the Respondents’ attorneys on 03 May 2004. This letter also forms part of the record.

25.

On 25 July 2005, the Respondents approached the High Court (Via Honourable Acting Judge Sithole), under a different case number, effectively approaching a different judge (other than the Honourable Judge Claasen who was the custodian of the original High Court orders), for an order that they had fully complied with the order of 23 March 2004 (Claasen’s). I opposed the application and filed an answering affidavit which will also form part of the record on appeal. The High Court, as per Honourable Sithole (Acting Judge), found against the Applicants (Respondents herein) that they had not in toto complied with the order of Judge Claasen of 23 March 2004.

26.

The Respondents appealed against the decision to the Full Bench of the Gauteng North High Court, leading to the latter’s judgment of 12 November 2010, which I now seek to appeal against. I am convinced that the judgment was erroneous and a different court might find differently from the court a quo as stated in the attached Notice of Motion.

REASONS FOR THE DELAY

27.

I submit that I did not willfully fail to apply for leave to appeal within the stipulated time frames. I had very cogent reasons which are as follows:

i. I am in a difficult financial position due to this prolonged dispute between the Respondents and myself. As I have already stated above, this matter has spanned well over a period of 10 years now. The proceedings in the High Court have especially sapped my financial resources as I have effectively had to fund three different sets of proceedings in the High Court. In order to approach this Honourable Court, I also needed to properly instruct my legal team, including the payment of a deposit to cover their fees. It is now well known (and this Honourable Court is invited to take judicial notice of the fact) that legal costs are relatively high in South Africa. I am an employee of the Respondents, pitted against an employer whose resources far exceed my own and I am expected or at least I need to meet them at their own level, in terms of legal representation. I am not just finding it very difficult to do so, I am standing already at financial ruination having sold every valuable of my household in order to stay afloat. In fact I am taking legal advice on whether or not the Respondents should be responsible for the payment of my legal fees since this is a dispute relating to my employment with the SANDF. However, in the meantime and since there is no guarantee that the opinion I will get will endorse that my legal expenses be taken care of by the state or even that the Respondents will agree to such an opinion, I must fund my own legal battles against them. I must confess to this Honourable Court that my delay in approaching the Court was due to these very financial constraints.

ii. Secondly, and partly because of the financial hardships that I have already mentioned above, I have sought to resolve this dispute outside the formal court proceedings. I have written letters to various institutions which I viewed as relevant and key to the resolution of this matter out of court. In this regard please find attached the following documents which are proof of these engagements:

a. Letter from the Office of the President of South Africa and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces dated 13 October 2010 hard copy with electronic copy on https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=explorer&chrome=true&srcid=0B2zhhdKEUk9ZMzhhYTM5NWMtNzQ1MS00NjIzLWJmMDAtNmU5NzQxMjAzZTFh&hl=en (This was a presidential reply in response to my own letter to The President and SANDF Commander In Chief dated 08 October 2010 https://docs.google.com/leaf?id=0B2zhhdKEUk9ZZDU5Njk0NGMtNTZhNS00YTViLWJiZjgtZTc1OGUxNjcxMjFj&hl=en

b. Letter of acknowledgment from the Interim National Defence Force Service Commission dated 31 October 2010 (responding to their own copy of the letter written the Presidency)

c. Letter of acknowledgment from the Public Protector dated 03 March 2010. (responding to their own copy of the letter written the Presidency)

d. Letter from Legal Aid Board South Africa dated 12 October 2010. This letter also confirms the financial constraints that I am experiencing in funding this 10-year old legal war because Legal Aid Board actually referred to my request for them to provide me with legal assistance in this matter. I have still not received a substantive response on my request.

28.

I particularly gave deference to the Presidential intervention which I was highly anticipating in this matter. I was also expecting the Respondents to do the same and to reciprocally pray for the President deign us his intervention since we are all under the authority of the National President and Our Commander-in-Chief. However, seeing that the Respondents have now resumed the Military Court trial as of an urgent fax (SANDF File Number LEGSATO TT/R/106/7) dated 11 March 2011, I am now sure that the Respondents would like this matter to be finalized nowhere else but within the four walls of the courtroom, except that they are convinced I have no legal recourse but to dance to their tune of being found guilty and dismissed from the Force without due legal process of sufficient ventilation of the charges on their part. Finding it impossible to bow down to this clear act of injustice, I have, to the point of starving myself and my family, garnered what limited financial resources in order to come before this Honourable Court.

MERITS OF THE APPEAL ITSELF

29.

I humbly submit that prospects stand high for me to succeed in this appeal just on the merits of this case.. The initial judgments of the High Court before both the Honourable Judge Claasen and subsequently Acting Judge Sithole were in my favour, though for slightly different reasons than those which I am raising before this Honourable Court. For the purposes of such, please refer to the Notice of Motion for my detailed grounds of Appeal. The fact that, out of a total of three High Court judgments, two did find in my favour is in itself indicative of the great likelihood that this is a matter which a different Court might not only see differently, but may well find in my favour.

30.

I am especially confident that this Honourable Court will be with me in my submission that the Respondents have not in toto complied with the order of the High Court as per the Honourable Judge Claasen on 23 March 2004, in that they have not furnished me with all the documents that I require in order to conduct my defence. I am particularly unhappy that the very report on which they decided to charge me (the Inspector General Mashoala-and-sub-inspectors’ report that was finalized on or about 06 March 2001) is still being withheld from me. This confirms my belief that the whole case against me before the Military Court is fabricated and maliciously brought by the people who feared that I would expose their corruption, racism and tribalism when I in vain volunteered to participate in the Army Inspector General’s investigation. The required report will help me to prove my innocence. I am confident that this Honourable Court will vindicate my right to justice.

CONCLUSION

31.

I humbly submit that this application meets the criteria for the granting of condonation and leave to note an appeal out of time and also for the granting of the special leave of this Honourable Court to appeal to it as envisaged in Rule 12(3) and Rule 6(3) of the Rules of the Supreme Court of Appeal. The reasons for the delay in the late application for leave to appeal are cogent and were not of my own making. They were due to my unfortunate position of having to pay my last cent in order to obtain justice in this matter, which as I’ve already explained, is weighing heavily on me. Furthermore, I was very hopeful for an out-of-court resolution of the issues, at least for the provision of the relevant documents to the Military Court proceedings without me having to resort to court again, but this was not to be, since the Respondents have not yielded. I am therefore left with no option but to approach this Honourable Court in this manner.

32.

I also respectfully submit that it is in the best interest of justice and the human rights protected in the Constitution of The Republic of South Africa, 1996, that this Honourable Court hears my case on appeal. I am on trial in the Court of Senior Military Judge, which carries the same (if not more serious) personal repercussions as a criminal trial. All I am requesting is that I be given all and sufficient documents to enable me to defend myself, a defence which I otherwise only too eager to mount. The Respondents, however, using the State’s resources which are abundantly available to them, seek to thwart the due fulfillment of a just process by denying me access to and possession of that documentation. I urge this Honourable Court to overlook all and any procedural mishaps that the Court might in its discretion hold me accountable for and to accordingly proceed to hear this matter nonetheless, all due to the serious human rights consequences and the public-interest this case has been commanding ever since 2001. The need for this Honourable Court resolving the issues in the matter as referred to above (and as will more fully appear in the full record of proceedings) far outweighs any niggle to show disapproval for any clumsiness on my part. I therefore humbly urge this Court to allow this matter to proceed to this Honourable Court on appeal.

WHEREFORE I pray for an order in the terms set out in the Notice of Motion to which this affidavit is attached.

_____________________________

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

I certify that the Deponent has sworn to and signed this affidavit before me at________

on the________ day of______________2011, the Regulations contained in the Government notice No. R1258 of 21 July 1972, as amended, having been complied with in that the Deponent confirms that he knows and understands the contents of this affidavit, that he has no objection to taking the prescribed oath and that he considers the oath as binding on his conscience.

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT

(REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA)

CASE NO.

In the matter between

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI Applicant

and

THE PRESIDENT, REPUBLIC

OF SOUTH AFRICA, N.O 1^ST Respondent

And

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND

VETERANS AFFAIRS 2^ND Respondent

And

THE DIRECTOR, MILITARY PROSECUTIONS ,

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE 3^RD Respondent

and

THE SECRETARY FOR DEFENCE 4^TH Respondent

and

THE CHIEF OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN

NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE 5^TH Respondent

And

THE GENERAL OFFICER COMMANDINGTHE SOUTH

AFRICAN ARMY’S INTELLIGENCE FORMATION 6^TH Respondent

and

THE CHIEF OF STAFF(ACTING) OF THE SOUTH

AFRICAN ARMY INTELLIGENCE FORMATION 7^TH Respondent

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

I, the undersigned,

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

do hereby state under oath as follows:

THE PARTIES

1.1 I am an adult male, and a Lieutenant Colonel in the South African National Defence Force (“the SANDF”) at Army Headquarters, Dequar Road, Pretoria. I am the Applicant in this matter.

1.1.1 The facts contained herein are within my personal knowledge unless the contrary is expressly stated and are, to the best of my knowledge and belief, both true and correct.

1.5 The 4^TH Respondent is the Secretary for Defence whose address for service in this matter is the State Attorney, 8^th Floor, Manaka Heights, 167 Andries Street, Pretoria.

INTRODUCTION

2.1This is an application to this Honourable Court for various urgent and interim orders as well as final orders in the following terms:

2.1.1 An order dispensing with the forms of service and Notice periods required in this Honourable Court in terms of Rule 6(12) of the Rules of this Honourable Court.

2.14 An order that the 1^ST Respondent must report to this Honourable Court within 6 months of the Order of this Honourable Court as to how he would have complied with the terms of this Order.

2.16 An order directing that the Respondents pay the costs of these

proceedings

2.1.7 Any other relief that the Honourable Court might find appropriate after hearing the application.

URGENCY

BRIEF BACKGROUND FACTS

3.6 The charges are extremely serious in the military culture and environment; and if I am convicted of any one of them, a prison term and expulsion from the SANDF might be imposed.

My Counsel could not duly cross examine the witnesses as I had not been furnished with the Inspector’s report.

3.12 I applied for special leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeal in case number and my application was dismissed on 16 August 2011.

CLEAR RIGHT

I have the right to the protection of the law in terms of section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,1996. Section 9 reads as follows:

9.(1) Everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law.

I also have a right emanating from the settlement agreement that we made in April 2011 from any proceedings emanating from the facts that gave rise to the settlement agreement.

· The right to be told in advance of the procedural steps that will be taken to address my grievance.

· The right to be informed of my rights in relation to the whole process.

· The right to have my side of the story considered before a decision is made.

· The right to be informed what the decision is and of my rights to any appeal or review procedures available.

· The right to be given reasons for the decision.

· The right to challenge the decision in Court.

IRREPARABLE HARM

BALANCE OF CONVENIENCE

NO OTHER REMEDY

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

DEPONENT

_______________________

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

FULL NAMES: ……………………………….

ADRESS: …………………………………….

CAPACITY: …………………………………..

AREA: ………………………………………...

Zuma-beleaguered Lieuteanat Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri and Family around early Year 2013

FOR R5 Million PHIRI IS READY TO FIGHT MR ZUMA AFTER HIS DEFEAT AGAINST MR MOTLANTHE

ACCOUNT NUMBER FOR ENABLING ME TO FIGHT A POTENTIALLY-SUCCESFUL COURT CASE AGAINST MR JACOB ZUMA IN SOUTH AFRICA IS 9074472391-ABSA-SAVINGS-ACCOUNT-CENTURION-PRETORIA-SOUTH-AFRICA-FOR-GOODMAN-MANYANYA-PHIRI.

This is an update for Year 2012 DECEMBER 25 FOR FIVE-MILLION-RAND-DONATION PLEA IN ORDER TO DEFEAT ZUMA IN A COURT CASE AGAINST OR A FEW OTHERS).

Of course, once depostited into my account, I will talk to my Bank (ABSA in South Africa) to transfer your donation to a separate account vouchsafed by revenue laws of the Republic, whereupon I will transfer the money to my attorney and advocates fighting my case against an under-educated Jacob Zuma who thinks South Africa can be ruled by political 'majoritarianism' rather than by the rule of law!

ZUMAPHOID-MANDELASQUE NGUNI-XHOSA-ZULU TRIBALISM AT ITS BEST:

Jacob Zuma (centre with individuals coming from, out of nine provinces of the Republic of South Africa, FLANKED by a preponderant at least four (4) of the ANC Mangaung Top-six-2012-Mangaung-elected big-wigs who are born in the Nguni-speaking provinces of the Eastern Cape of Nelson Mandela and Zuma's Zulu-speaking KwaZulu-Natal viz. Zuma, Zweli Mkhize,Baleka Mbete and Gwede Mantashe). None of these six individuals come from South Africa's Pedi-speaking ethnicity ranked among the top-three or four ethnicities of the Republic in terms of both demographics and membership to the great ANC of ours. And none also come from Goodman Manyanya Phiri's fellow Siswati-speaking Mpumalanga Province despite the fact that Mpumalanga-Province's Swazi-speaking one Mr Provincial Premier David Mabuza supported Jacob Zuma's campaign to the hilt for Mangaung Conference. Mandelasque-Xhosa-Nguni tribalists like SANDF's Brigadier General Mlandeli Kula say openly that [Arch-tribalists Mandela and Company's strategy from as early as the 1940s of the ANC is to make sure that powerful nations like Swazi, Pedi, Tsonga/Shangaan/Tonga SHOULD NEVER BE ALLOWED IN ANC POWER 'because they have relatives across the borders of South Africa'] which is what explains why tribalist delegates have elbowed out supposedly-Tswana-speaking Kgalema Motlanthe from the ANC Top 6. The other people targeted for exclusion by Mandela's fellow tribalists are Zulus, BUT ZUMA AND MKHIZE (the man in the whitest top) ARE USED BY THE MANDELAS AS FRONTMEN TO RULE SOUTH AFRICA BECAUSE OF THEIR LIMITED KNOWLEDGE OF BOTH SOUTH AFRICAN ETHNOGRAPHY AND ANC HISTORY (if not for sheer personal greed of incumbets). JACOB ZUMA HIMSELF IS USED BY THE MANDELASQUE-BLACK RACISTS-CUM-TRIBALISTS OF SOUTH AFRICA AS A MERE STOOGE PRESIDENT KEPT IN POWER BY WONDERFUL MANDELA'S PEOPLE VIA THE SPY TAPES THAT TO THIS DAY HAVE SAVED HIM FROM A TIME IN JAIL AND MADE HIM SOUTH AFRICA'S STATE PRESIDENT DESPITE 80% DISAPPROVAL BY THIS NATION. For that matter is political-science asininity to claim that 'Cyril Ramaphosa and Venda-speaker 'as ANC Deputy President for Party President Zuma' is now the second most powerful man in the ruling African National Congress Party', for any party is controlled mainly by the Secretary General and in this case, Mr Mandela's fellow-Xhosa-Nguni-speaker...standing tallest between two women on that picture...IS THE BOSS OF THE ANC AND HAS BEEN THE BOSS FOR THE PAST FOUR YEARS OF ZUMA'S REGIME ORDERING EVEN THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE LINDIWE SISULU TO CONTINUE PERSECUTING PHIRI FOR EXPOSING MANDELASQUE-XHOSA TRIBALISM , SEX-FOR-PROMOTION AND OTHER ILLS INT HE SOUTH AFRICAN NATINAL DEFENCE FORCE WHICH IS SUPPOSED TO BE ORDERED AND CONTROLLED FROM THE UNION BUILING BY JACOB ZUMA RATHER THAN FROM THE ANC PARTY HEADQUARTERS IN JOHANNESBURG WHERE GWEDE MANTASHE IS THE BOSS.'

WOE BETIDE US SOUTH AFRICANS!

AS, FROM PAST EXPERIENCE WITH JACOB ZUMA

1. THERE IS BOUND TO BE MORE SEX-FOR PROMOTION IN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE AND VETERANS' AFFAIRS FAVOURING ZUMA'S FELLOW NGUNIS LIKE ZULU- AND XHOSA-SPEAKERS (OF THE TYPE OF BRIGADIER GENERALS WINNIE ZINI-BOBELO) ALL AT THE EXPENSE OF SWAZI-, ENGLISH-, NDEBELE-, AFRIKAANS-, TSWANA-, PEDI- AND SOTHO-SPEAKERS (AMONG OTHER MINORITIES OPPRESSED ON THESE SHORES EVER SINCE 1994 BY MANDELASQUE-XHOSA-NGUNI TRIBALISM NOW CHAMPIONED BY MANDELA'S STUDENT, THE KWAZULU-NATAL-BORN JACOB ZUMA WITH A MINIMAL EDUCATION THAT, MUCH AGAINST ZULU CULTURE AS FORMULATED BY ZULU NATIONAL FOUNDER SHAKA ZULU, TELLS ZUMA HE CAN SLEEP AROUND WITH ANY WOMAN IF POSSESSED BY AN ERECTION.

2. THERE IS BOUND TO BE MORE MILITARY POLICE SENT TO OUR HOMES ARMED TO THE TEETH FOR NO CRIME AGAINST US EXCEPT REPORTING TO ZUMA HIMSELF, REPORTING TO THE NATION, AND REPORTING TO THE WORLD ABOUT THE CORRUPTION AND RAVAGES GOING ON IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE (AND MAYBE OTHER DEPARMENTS AS WELL) BECAUSE OF THIS MANDELASQUE-ZUMAPHOID CANKER OF TRIBALISM, BLACK RACISM AND OBJECTIFICATION OF WOMAN SEXUALITY IN ZUMA'S SOUTH AFRICA.

3.THERE IS GOING TO BE MORE POLITICIZATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN ARMY (SANDF) BY JACOB ZUMA WHEREBY TO BE PROMOTED TO HIGHER POSITION (AS ZUMA'S POLITICAL MASTER RE-ELECTED PARTY SECRETARY GENERAL GWEDE MANTASHE OF MANDELA'S EASTERN CAPE TRIBES WILL SAY) ['TO BE PROMOTED OR ASSISTED AS A PHIRI COLONEL FACING CONSTRUCTIVE DISMISSAL IN THE SANDF ARMY] 'YOU HAVE TO BE A MEMBER FIRST OF THE RULING AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. OF COURSE, MANTASHE AND ZUMA (BOTH OF THEM BENEFICIARIES OF TO RETENTION OF THEIR ORIGINAL POSITIONS VIA A MATERIALLY-COMPROMISED PARTY-DELEGATES) ARE IN MY VIEW THE GREATEST "RUBBISHERS" OF SOUTH AFRICA'S NATIONAL CONSTITUTION AND A DOCUMENT WHICH OUTLAWS POLITICIZATION OF THE ARMY IN THE WAY THAT JACOB ZUMA AND PREDECESSORS HAVE POLITICIZED IT BY OVERSTAFFING IT WITH RELATIVES OF NELSON MANDELA AND THE WAY THAT THE TWO POLITICIANS DEMAND RULING-PARTY-MEMBERSHIP PRIOR TO AN OFFICER'S PROMOTION OR ACCORDING OF THAT PARTICULAR OFFICER'S CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS.

4. THERE IS BOUND TO BE MORE DISREGARD TO THE RULE OF LAW WITH COURTS USED TO SILENCE PHIRI-ILK CRITICS OF THE ZUMA REGIME AND PEOPLE WILL CONTINUE TO BE CHARGED PER ZUMA'S ORDERS AND AS AND WHEN THEY START DEFENDING THEMSELVES FROM SUCH CHARGES THEY WILL BE EXPECTED AND FORCED BY THE ZUMA REGIME TO PAY FOR THEMSELVES EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE, LIKE PHIRI, STILL CIVIL SERVANTS WHO OUGHT TO BE ENJOYING PROSECUTION DEFENCE AT STATE EXPENSE (ZUMA HIMSELF, AND HIS BUDDY AND CORRUPT POLICE CHIEF JACKIE SELEBI WERE DEFENDED AT STATE EXPENSE TO THE TUNE TO ABOUT 20 MILLION RAND, TOGETHER: BUT OF COURSE, THEY ARE BOTH OF THEM MEMBERS OF AN ORGANIZATION TURNED BY ZUMA AND MANDELA INTO A GRAVY TRAIN, THE ANC FORMED BY THE SELF-SAME PHIRI'S ANCESTORS!)

5. THERE IS GOING TO BE MORE PLEAS BY SOME OF US, PLEADING TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO ASSIST US, CONSIDERING THE NKANDLA-RESIDENCE SCANDAL, AGAINST NOUVEAU RICHE ZUMA'S POWER-ABUSE BORN OUT OF HIS GENERAL SHEER IGNORANCE, EDUCATION-SHYNESS, ALONGSIDE ZUMA'S FELLOW-NOUVEAU-RICHES WHO AS DELEGATES OF THE ANC'S MANGAUNG CONFERENCE, AND DUE TO THEIR MATERIAL GRATITUDE AND APPRECIATION FOR THE GOVERNMENT POSITIONS GIVEN THEM BY BOTH MANDELA AND ZUMA, HAVE RE-VOTED THE LATTER IN POWER OF OUR ANCESTORS'ORGANIZATION, THE ANC. WE PLEAD WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO ALLOW ZUMA AND MANDELA TO PROSPER BUT PLEASE LET SUCH PROSPERTIY NOT BE AT THE EXPENSE OF PEOPLE WHOSE CRIME MAY BE JUST THAT, AS PER NELSON MANDELA'S TRIBAL STRATEGY, 'THEY, LIKE LIEUTENANT COLONEL GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI, 'DO NOT BELONG TO THEIR COLLECTIVE NGUNI RACE (ZULU-AND XHOSA-SPEAKING)'. THIS SHOULD BE VIEWED AS A VERY STRIDENT CALL TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY, CONSIDERING THAT SOUTH AFRICA (INCLUSIVE OF THE DELEGATES THAT OVERWHELMINGLY RE-ELECTED ZUMA TO POWER) STANDS AS A LEAST-EDUCATED NATIONS IN THE WORLD EVEN PER CONTINENTAL-AFRICAN STANDARS, JOHANNESBURG-SKYSCRAPERS-NOTWITHSTANDING. BUT MAYBE THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY MUST FIRST GIVE A CHANCE TO NGUNI'S THEMSELVES TO SALVAGE US FROM THEIR WAYWARD SONS MANDELA AND ZUMA!

6.........THERE IS BOUND OVER AND ABOVE THE CURRENT YEARS OF EXILING OF OUR FAMILIES BY ZUMA'S PREVIOUS XHOSA-SPEAKING MASTERS OLIVER TAMBO AND CLARENCE MAKWETU GOING TO BE OVER AND ABOVE THE 18 YEARS OF EXILING OF OUR FAMILIES AND TURNING A DEAF-EAR-TO BY EVEN ARCH-BISHOP DESMOND TUTU'S TRUTH AND RECONCIALIATION AN ADDED SEVEN YEARS OF UNWARRANTED EXILE ALL JUST BECAUSE SOME 2000 (IN CONTRADISTINCTION TO NON-NGUNI MOTLANTHE'S 1000) HAVE VOTED JACOB ZUMA IN ON THE TICKETS MOST PROBABLY OF NGUNI MAJORITY IN SOUTH AFRICA COMBINED WITH JOBS GIVEN IN GOVERNMENT ON THE BASIS OF RACE BY ALL NGUNI PRESIDENTS MANDELA, THABO MBEKI, AND NOW JACOB ZUMA!

7. I MEAN, GOOD NEWS IS: THE OVERWHELMING MAJORITY OF ZULU- AND XHOSA-SPEAKERS ARE NOT AS RACIST AS NELSON MANDELA AND JACOB ZUMA POST 1994 AND I KNOW WE WILL AS ALL SOUTH AFRICANS WIN THIS WAR AGAINST ZUMA'S RACISM MANGAUNG VICTORY NOTWITHSTANDING! THAT IS BY THE WAY ALSO HOW APARTHEID WAS AT LAST DEFEATED BECAUSE OF THE OVERWHELMING MAJORITY OF ETHNIC-EUROPEANS OF SOUTH AFRICA HATING THE SYSTEM DESPITE ELECTION AND REELECTION OF THE THEN HORRIBLE NATIONAL PARTY OF APARTHEID! SO, JACOB ZUMA HAS NO FUTURE, HOWEVER GRAND HE FEELS AFTER HIS PYRRHIC VICTORY IN MANGAUNG!

Dr Pixley Seme, ANC Intellectual Founder (HE WAS A TONGA/MOROKA OF ZULU STOCK AND THAT IS WHY MR ZUMA AND ANC PRESIDENT ZUMA, A ZULU HIMSELF, CARES NEXT TO TO NOTHING ABOUT HIS LEGACY, DEFINITELY NOT AFTER LEARNING HIS POLITICS FROM A NELSON MANDELA WHO NOT APPARENTLY HAD AN ISSUE AGAINST SEME'S ZULUS, BUT ALSO HAD A PATERNAL ANCESTOR NGUBENCUKA WHO WAS AT ODDS WITH THE ZULU FOUNDER SHAKA ZULU)

MOGOENG MOGOENG CHIEF JUSTICE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA DO RESCUE PHIRI FROM JACOB ZUMA

AS BACKGROUND INFO, CLICK IT HERE TO FOLLOW HOW MANDELASQUE RACISM-PRO-EASTERN-CAPE WAS BROUGHT INTO THE SANDF BY ZUMA AND MASTERS

Oath of Office: South Africa's Highest Judge:
Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng
being sought and beseeched legal refuge by Phiri after 27 years of Zuma anti-constitutional abuse after abuse by a Mr Jacob Zuma whose only idea of constitutional justice needs must only accrue to a race of the Eastern Cape where Zuma's mentor and former fellow-Robben-Island-Prisoner Nelson Mandela comes from. Phiri is ethnically Malawian South African and without Mogoeng's aggressive intervention in a counry ruled by Zuma's tribalism and xenophobia, it is now only the international community that just might rescue Phiri and the rest of the country busy rotting under Zuma and his condonement of racially-motivated corruption in Zuma's South African National Defence Force-leadership style.

JUDGE NGOEPE’S ROLE IN ZUMA'S SEX-OBJECTIFICATION OF WOMEN (WOMEN’S DAY HIGHLIGHT...AUGUST09 -2012)

Judge President Ngoepe

(Pic Courtesy IOL News)

(An August 9-2012 Picture update in honour of South African women black or white who too often under Mr. Jacob Zuma are still suffering a double yoke of living under powerful Zuma-like, if male-chauvinistic and godlike, men who see all women as ‘sexual objects first’ and ‘citizenesses of South Africa’s Republic second’ over and above being the wrong skin colour where under Jacob Zuma black pro-Mandela’s Xhosa-speaking Eastern Cape is the most superior colour or race.

In the picture right at centre is Mr. Bernard Ngoepe.

Ngoepe is no ordinary civilian where matters military dominate this blog. Ngoepe is here in the company of no ordinary other gentleman and ladies either, but I am returning to the ladies shortly.

Anyway, Mr. Ngoepe knows Mr. Jacob Zuma’s SANDF like the back of his hand, definitely more than any of the uniformed officers of South Africa military under Zuma does. This is so because all cases involving soldiers and seamen and women fall for automatic review by none other than Mr. Ngoepe and (seeing that court cases in the military are used by Jacob Zuma to settle political, racial and even male chauvinist scores) Mr. Ngoepe is for that reason either or both the problem and the solution of woman objectification for sex happening in the SANDF mainly pro-Eastern Cape uniformed male black racists.

After hearing that Ngoepe was amenable to litigants’ extra-judicial communications and in fact did receive a letter from Zuma’s cabinet Minister for Defence to ‘[hurry up with the case of the Phiri who must be soonest dismissed from the SANDF]’, I quid-pro-quo sensitized Mr. Ngoepe about my case by means of giving him in 2010 a copy of the videos (a good number of them) pictured on the left of this post together with the copy to Jacob Zuma and the Bosielo Commission Bosielo Commission; and I was hoping as a solution giver Ngoepe would handle the Goodman Manyanya Phiri with more sensitivity, being an obvious case of Zuma shooting down a whistle-blower and covering up for a cousin (Zini-Bobelo) his Robben-Island-Pal-cum-mentor-in-black-racism-for-the-Nguni Mr. Nelson Mandela. As a reader you have on this page and even column an adumbration as to how self-professed Mandela Cousin Zini-Bobelo fornicated for promotion with lascivious army lecturer Raymond Lentsoe in Henchman Zuma’s army.

For more on how I apprised Judge President Ngoepe: Read through all the highlighted paragraphs hereunder; and then click on any of them to lead you to a receipt signature from the judge's office.

You will find Judge President Bernard Ngoepe’s 11-October-2010 receipt (per signature of Personal Assistant Ilanka Elsebeth with contact Telephone Number +27 12314 9003) of communication and sensitization from Phiri by means of even 8 videos prior to them going on-line about the Mandelasque-Xhosa-racially-motivated acts of corruption and victimization of whistle-blowing Phiri in Zuma’s SANDF leadership style.

A signature from Ngoepe’s office indeed, among other signatures as of for offices of His Excellency President Zuma’s;

His Majesty Swaziland’s King Mswati III (as the cultural head of all Swazi-speakers in Southern Africa and an ethnicity alongside BaSotho, BaTswana and Afrikaaners, particularly targeted for victimization by Zuma-leadership-styled army’s black racist generals pro-Mandela’s tribe of the Eastern Cape Province with in particular one Brigadier General Alfred Mlandeli Kula who, over and above the inhumane way and the underpromotion these SADF members from these ethnic groups suffer under Zuma and predecessors’ leadership style, habitually, publicly and with impunity jibes these uniformed South-African minorities with the words: “[South Africa belongs to us Xhosas because we do not have a homeland beside South Africa and I do not understand what you Swazi-, Sotho-, Tswana-, Shangaan or even Afrikaans-speakers want in the South African National Defence force demanding even promotion. Go back to your homelands Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, Mozambique and Holland”])

His Excellency Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete (as custodian to my daughter Thoko and my son Maziri together with my wife Leonilde who, against all national and international law are for the 18th year now disallowed along racial lines by Jacob Zuma from repatriating from Tanzania all as a revenge for Phiri’s blowing of the whistle against Zuma’s personal involvement in violently implementing Mandelasque Xhosa racism in the camps of Tanzanian exile and a practise that Zuma has of 2011 resumed in South Africa abusing his power as head of state albeit via controversial spy tapes, and harassing Phiri with armed soldiers);

His Excellency Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe;

The Bosielo Commission into [sources soldiers’ unhappiness wit Zuma’s leadership style of the SANDF];

Legal Aid Board (where I in vain pleaded for state financial assistance in my case like Zuma’s corruption case and Jackie Selebi’s was so assisted);

NationalProsecution Authority (with the hope in vain that they could intervene and startprosecuting the SANDF generals who are leading corrupt activities, negligentlydestroying property of the SANDF and sexually exploiting vulnerable femaleemployees of the Defence Department all of which being motivated by the impunityof the Mandelasque-black-racism-pro-Eastern-Cape-Province ravaging the SouthAfrican Army on Jacob Zuma’s watch and earlier).

While originally and the way all judges should be viewed (and are viewed) in democracies of the world I had viewed Mr. Bernard Ngoepe as a symbol of refuge where I could run to as a corruption whistle-blower at the hands of Jacob Zuma (just like I was self-same Zuma’s victim in Dakawa-Morogoro-Tanzania mid-80 when Zuma and his fellow-racists pro-Eastern-Cape did their dress rehearsals for damaging both the non-sexist standing of the 100-year-old ANC and the respect accorded to all women in South Africa and the world).

Little did I know that by requesting Mr. Ngoepe Division of the Supreme Court of South Africa (Gauteng North) for assistance I was committing ‘legal suicide’; for Ngoepe not only went ahead to essentially panel beat the prosecution’s case levelled against Phiri in the SANDF on 2001 March 9, but he appealed to emotions of judges by appointing an all-white full-bench to look into a black Phiri who had allegedly called yet another white in the army a racist where all prosecutors for Phiri in the army were made to be white, all judges of the army were to be white. Interestingly, this was Ngoepe’s full bench to look at a case Ngoepe unprocedurally allowed to happen in his Division because Ngoepe’s own Judge Claassen made an uncontested finding in my favour that a Board of Enquiry Dated pre-March-09 2001should be given to Phiri, and yet the same Ngoepe allowed the Zuma litigant side to open the same matter resolved via a second judge (Sithole), although I know now this was because Ngoepe had received a letter from Zuma’s Defence Minister to expedite this procedural anomaly where to this day Judge Claasens’ orders have been shown contempt of by Mr. Jacob Zuma with the collaboration of Top Judge Bernard Ngoepe… interestingly, Ngoepe is the self-same judge who signed an Anton Templar on Jacob Zuma while his masters from the Eastern Cape like Thabo Mbeki wanted to discard him like a used condom and maybe Mr. Ngoepe is making up with Zuma now in power by means of deliberately mishandling the Phiri case.

Coming again to the picture above, one must state that at least one of the ladies in picture with Ngoepe (they help Ngoepe to review all cases of soldiers and seamen and women of Zuma’s rule of the SANDF) got her rank and promotion through a catfight with another married woman one Mrs Annemarie Myburgh who ended winning the fight, for emotional/sexual relationship with their supervisor one Mr. Dunstan Smart, if a sworn affidavit by a Smart’s fellow lawyer, Bheki Simelane is anything to go by particularly where he would under oath attest: “While [Rear Admiral Smart and his apparent illicit sweetheart {who is also his subordinate}] were an item they appeared infatuated and besotted with each other. They say love is blind. On at least two occasions as I [Colonel Simelane and Rear Admiral Smart’s other subordinate] was coming out of my office I would see the two kissing each other in the passage. Not wanting to disturb them I would draw back into my office until the coast would have cleared as it were. Also with Colonel Anne-Marie Myburgh the story went round at

Chief Military Legal Services during 2000 that her husband had secured a lucrative job in the UK and would soon be leaving with her family. It was not to be, according to this story. Admiral Smart was said to be holding on to another man’s wife. One white lady was heard complaining to say, ‘But can’t Admiral Smart let go of [Brigadier] General [Anne-Marie] Myburgh?’

“The plans of the family were apparently scuppered and the trip overseas was aborted allegedly because of the Honourable Admiral Smart. To date, on the said white ladies’ version, Admiral Smart does not appear to have let go of the then Colonel (now Brigadier General) Myburgh. In [the] Zulu they say ‘Asiwumbi singawulali’= ‘even in matters of sexual liaisons, expect no such thing as a freebies’ (idiomatic expression freely translated by Phiri.)

“The word making rounds here in the AG’s [Attorney General’s] Office is that Admiral Smart uses members of the staff to his convenience and when he is done with you, you are history. Just like a used condom. To me, when I hear that, I would say to myself, yes I know that one of them is…[his one-time sweetheart-apparent]. Notwithstanding that she tried to use Admiral Smart as a reference when applying for directors’ posts, it was not to be. She lost out. Ousted by the said new arrival [Colonel Anne-Marie Myburgh] in 1998...” By Colonel Bheki Qedusizi Penuell Simelane).

Now when whistle-blowing Phiri is to be charged for trying to blurt fornication-for-promotion by Mandela-cousin Zini-Bobelo, lo and behold Mrs Annemarie Myburgh and an ilk of Zini-Bobelo if we believe Simelane, is now DIRECTOR OF SOUTH AFRICAS MILITARY JUDGES AND I ASK WHAT JUSTICE IS PHIRI EXPECTED TO GET FROM MILITARY JUDGES UNDER THE COMMAND OF A POSSIBLE PROSTITUTE IN HIGH PLACES UNDER JACOB ZUMA?

The bottom line for Zuma’s strategy in destroying Africa is this: If you can treat any (SANDF) uniformed woman officer as a sex object, it goes to reason that no woman is ‘chastity’ safe in South Africa under Mr. Jacob Zuma’s rule: at least none black or white of our mothers, our wives, our daughters, our sisters or our female cousins are safe here.

Mr. Ngoepe is falling snugly into the pattern of atrocities of Jacob Zuma’s back in yestercentury’s Dakawa (c. 1985) where wives and daughters of other South Africans were, objectified by Zuma’s gendarmerie all in pursuit of black racism pro-Mandela’s Eastern Cape. Wives were per Zuma’s knowledge and say-so raped, husbands even buried alive while everybody who had come from the Eastern Cape was treated as mini-god or goddess as the uneducated 100% Zuluboy Intelligence Chief of All ANC and MK was used by Mandela’s black racists pro-Eastern-Cape was used tto put a stamp on racial superiority of the Xhosa-speaker or anybody born in the Eastern Cape, particularly from Mandela’s own Thembu tribe wherever kinship to such royalty could be established. Some of Mr. Zuma’s most notorious sub-henchmen of torture-pro-Mandelasque-Eastern-Cape-racism of the mid-1980s were (and Mr. Ngoepe is now joining the list) were Zuma’s Dakawa-Morogoro-Tanzania’s Mr. Never Khalema (a pseudonym), Mr. Jackson Dira (a pseudonym).

Those Zuma guys had no scruples in burying a protesting man alive; Nor had they any scruples in raping a comrade’s wife in broad daylight in Dakawa’s mid-1980 while the raped woman toddler children watched! And this is the 2012 South Africa that Mr. Bernard Ngoepe is allowing Mr. Jacob Zuma to drive it to with his yesmanship to the executive arm of Zuma’s government which is a litigant against whistle-blowing Phiri!

For more insight into where Mr. Zuma is taking South Africa, please check what the same man was doing in exile, e.g. the Dakawa Camp, Morogoro, Tanzania (and that is where all and not only Mandela’s 2012-malfunctioning Eastern Cape Province but all of South Africa is heading under Race-Henchman Zuma with his blind and uneducated black racism pro-Mandela’s Tribe Thembu Royal), please read ONE POST.

IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA

[HELD AT BRAAMFONTEIN]

CASE NO :

CASE REF: 437 / 2011

In the matter between :

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI	Appellant

And

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE	1^STRespondent
DIRECTOR : MILITARY PROSECUTIONS DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE	2^ND Respondent

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

I, the undersigned

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

do hereby declare under oath as follows :

1.1 I am the Applicant in these proceedings.

1.2 The facts deposed herein are within my personal knowledge save where as otherwise stated; and are to the best of my knowledge both true and correct.

2.2 I was not invited to make a contribution to the investigation despite the fact that firstly,

I was the first in offering to give information and,
secondly, and according to the Charge Sheet now, I am supposed to have created such a furore at the College that I was deemed deserving of being the only one prosecuted from all those 100 or so other students and college staff who walked scot-free out of the investigations for racial disharmony. Indeed, I did reasonably request an opportunity to make my submissions to the investigations from day one February 6 2001 (resulting in a promise), as well as even prior to the arrival of the Inspector General where I was asking for opportunity to expose to college authorities a white instructor who was inciting racial confrontation on one hand, and a black instructor who was giving free marks to a student or two on the basis of sexual favours. Both General Mashoala (the Inspector General) and his subordinates declared me as having knocked too late on their door when I tried to remind them on 6 March 2001 about their promise to hear me a month before.

WHEREFORE I pray for an Order in terms of the Notice of Motion.

THUS DONE AND SWORN TO AT PRETORIA THIS______DAY OF________2011

______________

DEPONENT

________________________________

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

NAME:

ADDRESS:

CAPACITY:

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA HELD AT BLOEMFONTEIN

Case No.

Ref Case No.A474/08

In the matter between

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI Applicant

AND

THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE First Respondent

DIRECTOR, MILITARY PROSECUTIONS,

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE Second Respondent

______________________________________________________________________

FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT

______________________________________________________________________

I, the undersigned,

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI,

do hereby make oath and state as follows:

THE PURPOSE OF THIS APPLICATION

10.

I therefore seek an order in the following specific terms on appeal:

iv. Granting Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri such further or alternative relief as this court deems fit

v. Ordering that the Respondents herein, jointly and severally, the one paying the other to be absolved, pay the costs of this appeal including the costs of the application for leave to appeal.

11.

BRIEF BACKGROUND FACTS TO THIS APPLICATION

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

REASONS FOR THE DELAY

27.

I submit that I did not willfully fail to apply for leave to appeal within the stipulated time frames. I had very cogent reasons which are as follows:

b. Letter of acknowledgment from the Interim National Defence Force Service Commission dated 31 October 2010 (responding to their own copy of the letter written the Presidency)

c. Letter of acknowledgment from the Public Protector dated 03 March 2010. (responding to their own copy of the letter written the Presidency)

28.

MERITS OF THE APPEAL ITSELF

29.

30.

CONCLUSION

31.

32.

WHEREFORE I pray for an order in the terms set out in the Notice of Motion to which this affidavit is attached.

_____________________________

GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI

I certify that the Deponent has sworn to and signed this affidavit before me at________

COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

ZUMA XENOPHOBIA AGAINST PHIRI

"tyamzashe": Soldier who shot dead Mofokeng's
co-perpetrator of human rights
abuses against Phiri family the late Benson Mandindi (pic and idenfification courtesy Mr Magogotye, a colleague of mine). Mandindi and co-perpetrators against my family, were given a breezy escape by Archbishop tutu's tRC: they were not even called to respond to my cries with the said truth and reconciliation commission which makes me think maybe the commission was just a cover-up of human-right abusers. they are now back in action with their Zuma heading the state as of this 2012!!! And nobody's family is safe in South Africa while Zuma is still in power! MARK MY WORDS!

my Zuma-exiled daughter thoko
and a Londoner who had paid thoko's school in tanzania a visit

thoko, now 18

two sisters (thoko and tamara)
and a brother. the thorn betweenthe roses is my son, Maziri. Zuma refuses,
understandably so, to give audience to the suffering my
children and their mother are
undergoing in tanzania and South Africa.
Zuma was in the mid-80s the one who
gave tribalistic Xhosa-speakerslike Robert Mance and
Stanley Mabizela carte blanche to commit acts of human right
abuses against non-Mandela's fellow-
Xhosa-speakers. Carte Blanche
pretty much like Zuma as of 2011
gave Matanzima to hunt Phiri
down with 6 heavily armed
soldiers for no fault whatsoever
but blowing the whistle on the corruption
going on and and the wanton destruction of
state property the black racists and tribalists
from Mandela's Eastern Cape are with impunity
committing under Zuma's
watch of our defence force in South Africa.

Maziri

thoko, now 18

Maziri

thoko, a few years before 2012

Maziri

thoko, now 18

For Mandela, Mbeki and now Zuma (complete with their Archbishop Tutu), on whose 5 doors I have been knocking for the pas 18 years now to have justice as promised by both South African law and the reconciliation we said as a nation we owe to one another, YOU HAVE TOA MEMBER OF SO-CALLED MANDELA XHOSA TRIBE TO HAVE THE SOUTH AFRICAN STATE TREAT YOU AS A CITIZEN, AND IF YOU CONTINUE TO POINT OUR THESE GENTLEMEN’S RACISM, THEY PILE UP FALSE CHARGES AGAINST YOU BECAUSE “PEOPLE OF MANDELA’S EASTERN CAPE PROVINCE SHALL RULE SOUTH AFRICA BECAUSE MANDELA CAME FROM THEM”. All photos here are of my three children who have never known a happy growing up process. The first-born Thoko is 18 this year, and in the entire 18 years she has only seen me for only four weeks because Bishop Tutu Reconciliation Commission chose to believe Mandelasque Xhosa racist perpetrators (like Mofokeng), and rejected my request to quiz them why they tore my Tanzanian wife’s United Nations documentation for repatriation to South Africa. The second born is the boy Maziri who has never seen me. The third-born is Tamara who lives in a dilapidated and dusty shack with me in Mamelodi, South Africa (the other two and their mother who is my first wife Leonilde born Makafu are still marooned and suffering in Tanzania and whenever I go to Mr Jacob Zuma’s office as the President whose office handles compensation of human rights abuses during the anti-apartheid struggle, an official will tell me off from the door and report that they were instructed not to reveal to me the decision of Tutu’s Truth and reconciliation commission about my complaint To Them). In the meantime, one of Mofokeng’s co-perpertrators against my family, Mr Benson Mandindi, was brutally shot dead in the streets of Pretoria in an unrelated matter. I pray Mofokeng escapes that fate and before he meets his Maker or I do first, to please explain to me (and stop helping Mandelasque Xhosa tribalists under Zuma’s tutelage in the SANDF to drum up further false charges in order to make my victimization by Mandela’s fellow tribalists-pro-Eastern Cape disappear with me) why he, as Commander of APLA under Mandelasque Xhosa Tribesman President of PAC Mlamli Clarence Makwetu, ordered Monezi Gcilitshe and Benson Mandindi to banish my wife and children in 1994. The white girl in The picture is a Londoner friend of my daughter who had visited her school many years ago. And The man with a cap is The former APLA soldier who executed in The streets of Pretoria The racist-pro-Mandelasque-Xhosa-Tribe Benson Mandindi who worked hand-in-glove with Mofokeng To banish my family and cause us so much of unending pain. The comrade who gave me This picture referred To him as “Tyamzashe”. In fairness To Tyamzashe who went To jail for The murder of Mandindi, he never knew me nor I him; nor did he know he was killing somebody I will never miss. Furthermore, I hear during his Trial he pleaded loss of memory. In short, There is no relationship between Phiri and Tyamzashe save To say both of us served Through APLA, The military wing of The Pan Africanist Congress of Azania; and as I understand, he Too was a member of The South African National Defence Force when The killing happened To The loss of life of a National Intelligence Agency general (Benson Mandindi). I am also not surprised This happened To Mandindi; probably he hurt a loT more people Than me. Given The chance, I could also have killed him in The same manner or worse Ten Times over for The racist and Mandelasque-Xhosa xenophobic pain he has caused me, my first wife and our children over These 18 years now counting!

Mr Daniel Mohato Mofokeng (a.k.a. "Romero": born Monday 20 February 1956) and former Azanian People's Liberation Army's Commander (albeit for about 3 months after a suspected hit on erstwhile defacto and non-racist Xhosa-speaking APLA commander Sabelo Phama/Sabelo Gqwetha). Mofokeng (a spouse to a Xhosa-speaker) is not only the man who worked for the Mandelaists like Jacob Zuma to retaliate against Phiri's anti-racism by banishing the latter's wife (Leonilde) to tanzania, but sources have it that Mofokeng is the one who has been consistently giving Phiri the bad name in the South African National Defence Force for the benefit of a Zuma indoctrinated as early as age 15 into believing in racial superiority of Nelson Mandela's race of the Eastern Cape where Mofokeng found a wife named "Pearl".
Outside of Zuluman Jacob Zuma, it is extremely hard for me to imagine anybody in the past solid 24 to 27 years of my life and fight against black racism pro Mandela’s Xhosa speaking Thembu and other Eastern-Cape races than Mofokeng. Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Case Number JB04241/01GTSOW (GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI AND HIS TANZANIAN WIFE AND CHILDREN) had to be launched because of the orders of Mofokeng to the late Benson Mandindi and Monezi Gcilitshe (UNHCR repatriation officer and PAC Chief Representative Acting, respectively) in Dar-es Salaam 1994 to tear down a United Nations High Commission for Refugees Repatriation order issued legally for my Tanzanian wife and first: Leonilde Makafu-Phiri. Mofokeng succeeded after my launching of the grievance with the TRC, to go and convince Xhosa-speaking Bishop Tutu who was heading the TRC Commission, that “[Phiri is talking lies about atrocities of exile camps under Jacob Zuma’s intelligence control pro-Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers of the Eastern Cape]”. Another area of Mofokeng’s involvement in undermining my case: When I discovered years later about participation of some white racists within the South African National Defence Force (in cahoots with the Boeremag and hitherto wrote to the State President to reveal the criminal negligence or/and participation in the military coup plot of the extreme right, it is Mofokeng who joined my enemies to put a different spin to the whole matter and once again suggested not only falsely that I had put the letter to the President to the Mass Media but went further to impugn to the SANDF organization that [“everything Phiri does is against Mofokeng’s brothers-in-law-the-Xhosas”]. When on 9 March 2001 I got charged, naturally my legal defence counsel subsequently advised me to get affidavits from my potential witnesses to my innocence of those charges, but and when I in Lohatlha near Kimberly circa 2002 stood in front of the Army class/course I had been with during the previous year of Zuma-condoned-fornication-for-promotion in Pretoria-Thabatshwane, talking to them in that Lohatlha unit and pleading for any who could be witnesses on a case that had been fabricated to cover up for “Mandela’s relative” who is the fornicating-for-promotion-Zini-Bobelo , it is self-same she who is Mofokeng’s former subordinate (Zini-Bobelo) who subsequently (and very immediately after my plea in front of the class) organized an all-Xhosa-speaker meeting aimed at warning any of her fellow race (of Xhosa-speakers) who would dare give me a statement because, as he maligned me, [“Goodman Manyanya Phiri is hell-bent for the destruction of the Xhosa nation who are the owners of the African National Congress through Cousin Nelson Mandela”]. Notably, Mr. THEMBELANI THANDEKILE XUNDU, one of the Xhosas who knew my innocence from the Drost trumped up charges of 2001, DEFIED Mofokeng’s former subordinate and gave a statement which is proof enough that it is not all Xhosa speakers who are evil enough to get their henchman Zuma signing off of people like Phiri or signing the burying alive of those two Coloureds (natives of the Western Cape and Northern per South African parlance) back in the mid-80, a an identification of their secret graves Mr. Zuma still owes not only South Africans and the families of those Coloured killed so grimly by Zuma signatures and commandership of Xhosaman Mr. Robert Mance, but HE OWES IT TO THE INTERANTIONA COMMUNTIY TOO. The other thing not to be forgotten about Mofokeng is the fact that he was the major domo of integration to the SANDF of us APLA forces, and oversaw as such all matters of former APLA members even after integration (these days that office is held by wife of query-slain APLA commander Sabelo Phama who is Dudu). But the days before Eddie Drost brought up his trumped up charges of 9 March 2001, I saw a dispatch from the office of Mofokeng who had come to confabulate with Eddie Drost. His name is Matolweni. Coming back to the issue of Lohatlha, I know it is Mofokeng who told Zini-Bobelo the lies about me being a Xhosa hater, because the reports of the gruesome killing and burying alive of comrades or burying them in secret greaves that was perpetrated by Mazimbu/Solomon Mahlangu administrator Mr. Robert Mance per orders of a Zuma who was sitting in Lusaka as head of Intelligence and Counter Intelligence, such reports which I gave very secretly to The Azanian People’s Liberation Army back in 1987, could not have leaked to Zini-Bobelo (a former ex-MK member)) except per someone as high to the APLA as Mofokeng! One senior officer who had once attended Chief of the SANDF Commander Zuluman Nyanda’s meeting which his generals and heads of divisions was to come to me in grace shock and querying me what wrong did I ever commit against Mofokeng. And when I followed up that question, the officer in question sat in a session where General Nyanda had genuinely wanted low-down about Phiri and why his case was taking so long. Mofokeng, who had attended that meeting, is reported to have told General Nyanda that Phiri is a mere hater of Xhosa people and somebody never to have his case taken seriously. Mofokeng is a Major General in the SANDF.

Mofokeng (in uniform) and his Xhosa-speaking ‘brother-in-law-of-tribalism’ Temba Templeton Matanzima. Mofokeng did the dirty job of tribalism in exile for his brothers-in-law supported by Mr Jacob Zuma. Matanzima is finishing the job of tribalism on Phiri in a democratic South Africa again with Zuma’s sayso (Zuma is clearly showing gratitude for the spy tapes given him by South Africa ruling tribe of Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers by selling Phiri and his suffering children in South Africa and Tanzania). So Matanzima and his fellow-Eastern-Cape-born and “Brother-in-law Mofokeng” for Mr Jacob Zuma drummed up false charges in the SANDF based on, now they claim, “non-existent February-March 2001 Board of Inquiry by their fellow-Eastern-Cape-born Inspector-General Mashoala all of which led Phiri to be charged March 9, 2001”. In the meantime Zuma denies civil-servant Phiri requisite state funds to help Phiri defend himself as is his constitutional right whether it be in SANDF courts or any other higher court where Phiri must go seek redress of application in order to defend himself in those charges. As of this moment, much of it due to the badmouthing that Mofokeng conducts in the SANDF when he is with likes of Matanzima. Mofokeng is the one who ordered my children and their mother to have their UN-proffered repatriation papers torn to pieces as holders were being left in Tanzania 1994. He was doing the bidding of then Xhosa-speaking president of the PAC, Mlamli Clarence Makwetu who, together with his fellow-Xhosa-speaking had been angered by a report of atrocities committed their fellow-Xhosa-speakers per Zuma’s green light in the camps of Dakawa and Mazimbu Morogoro, Tanzania.

My Profile

Goodman Manyanya Phiri, the South African military lieutenant colonel who's tried (2012 being the 11th consecutive year now...) to communicate to hard-of-hearing but over-marriageable-and-baby-making-focussed Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma to no avail except more and more persecution and violence against whistle-blowing Phiri to drum the point home that "Nguni-Mandela-Tembu-and-Zuma's-Zulu-tribalism-cum-black-racism together with prostitution-at-high-places of the Zuma-commanded South African National Defence Force, cannot be used as the main, if at all, criterion, for promotion at government or civil-servant level as conducted (with Zuma's apparent approval) by self-proclaimed Mandela Cousin SANDF Brigadier-General-so-called-by-Zuma (when she is still a mere major who only passed by prostitution with one Raymond Lentsoe) Winnie Ntombizodwa Zini-Bobelo cannot be standardized as the main criterion for creating generals out of junior officers in RSA's Department of Defence and Veterans' Affairs or any Zuma-commanded Department for that matter.

THE SPEAR ZUMA SHARPEST POINT FOR PHIRI SALARY SHUTDOWN IS ONE MR MABALANE OR TWO

Fifty-nine-year-old Mr "Earl" Simon Mabalane, Blog Author's Bestman appearing on the marriage ceremony on this video has a 50-year old male child of his sister's,and a child who, despite having biological parents who married neither prior to his birth nor postnatally (hence the usage of his maternal surname to this day), has nonetheless succeeded to inveigle himself a place as some senior officer under Mr Jacob Zuma's watch of South Africa's Department of Defence and Veterans Affairs' has also been INDUBITABLY EXPOSED BY SANDF SOLDIERS AS THE SHARPEST POINT OF ZUMA'S NEWEST PERSECUTION OF GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI VIA SALARY SHUTDOWN. The fifty-year-old Mabalane bastard ('bastard' is still a recognized English word, Good Critical People) bears the name of 'Mr Eric Mabalane (more formally Mr Eric Magoma Mabalane).

As the stand-off over Phiri salary shutdown continues, Blog Author is shortly revealing more damning evidence of character's involvement in pro-Zuma party-political activities in an SANDF supposedly loyal to government of the day albeit apolitical in its day-to-day activities.

Blog Author's Friend, Bestman, and Comrade since days of exile togehter in Angola (Mr Simon Mabalane) will not escape the firing line as evidence with blog author points to Eric having consulted with Maternal Uncle Simon Mabalane prior to going for cheap-promotion gimmick to some hitherto u-nrevealed Snake In The Grass of SANDF HQ who, for Mr Zuma's pleasure, unconstitutionally ordered the aforesaid salary shutdown.

MY PROFILE

Goodman Manyanya Phiri, the South African senior military officer who's tried (2013 being the 12th consecutive year now...) to communicate with Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma to no (avail except more and more persecution exercises and acts of blatant violence meted out against the whistle-blowing Phiri) to drive the point home that "Ngunis-Mandela-Tembu-and-Zuma's-Zulu-tribalisms-cum-black-racism together with prostitution-at-high-places-of-the-two-governments, cannot be used as the main, if at all, criterion, for promotion as in this blog’s having been effected (with Zuma's apparent personal albeit unlawful approval) by self-proclaimed Mandela Cousin one SANDF Brigadier-General-so-called-by-Zuma (when she is in lawful fact still a mere Major who only passed her main course by means of prostituting herself with one Raymond Lentsoe).

XHOSA-SPEAKING NELSON MANDELA'S TRIBAL LIES AND THEFT (AT THE EXPENSE OF ZULUS AND SWAZIS) BOTH EXPOSED:

FOUNDER OF THE ANC'S DAUGHTER EXPOSES IN BOTH THE ZULU LANGUAGE AND THE ENGLISH THE TRUE COLOURS OF UNDEREDUCATED JACOB ZUMA'S TRIBALISTIC MENTORS (NELSON MANDELA AND WALTER SISULU)'S DAYLIGHT THEFT FROM THE ZULUS AND THE SWAZIS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA TO MANDELA'S OWN XHOSA-SPEAKING THEMBU-TRIBE, YANKING FROM THE MANDELA-IMPOVERISHED ZULU-SPEAKING ANC-FORMATIVE-FOUNDER-DR-PIXLEY-KA-ISAKA SEME FAMILY AND EVEN FROM THE ROYAL HOUSES OF BOTH ZULU (THE KING DINIZULU BEHIND THE MUCH-CEBRATED YEAR-1906-BAMBATA REBELLION AGAINST THE EUROPEAN SETTLERS OF SOUTH AFRICA WHICH REBELLION NOT ONLY CREATED AN ARISTOTLEAN REASON FOR THE FOUNDING IN 1912 OF THE ANC BY ZULUMAN DR PIXLEY SEME AND SWAZIWOMAN HER MAJESTY QUEEN MOTHER LABOTSIBENI, BUT MAKES ZULU KING DINUZULU THE ARISTOTLEAN FINAL CAUSE FOR THE FOUNDING OF AN ANC SINCE THEMBU-XHOSAFIED BY NELSON MANDELA) AND SWAZI (ARISTOTLEAN ANC-MATERIAL-FOUNDER AND PHIR'S MATERNAL FIRST COUSIN SWAZI QUEEN MOTHER LABOTSIBENI GWAMILE LAMDLULI WITH HER UNPARALLELED AT LEAST 200 CATTLE SOLD FOR THE ANC NEWSPAPER ABANTU/BATHO) AND THE VERY PRIMACY OF ANTICOLONIAL FREEDOM STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA. AND THAT IS WHY TODAY THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE-SANDF IS OVERPOPULATED WITH MANDELA'S FELLOW-EASTERN-CAPE-BORN GENERALS ('SEBATA'/ SANDF MAJOR GENERAL ENOCH MUISENG MASHOALA, even , JACOB-ZUMA-APPOINTED DEPARTMENTAL OMBUDSMAN LIEUTENANANT GENERAL TEMBA TEMPLETON MATANZIMA, or even try BRIGADIER GENERAL MLANDELI ALFRED KULA, OR FOR-THE-SAKE-OF-EASRTERN-CAPE-MANGAUNG-VOTE-RECENTLY-PROMOTED-SANDF-MAJOR GENERAL NORMAN YENGENI WHO MAY HAVE PASSED HIS CRUCIAL MILITARY COURSE THROUGH THE SELF-SAME FRAUD THAT FELLOW-TRIBESMAN MANDELA TRIBALIZED THE ANC PRO-EASTERN-CAPE FOR THE GULLIBLE AND NAIVE JACOB ZUMAS OF 2012) AND COLONELS WHO FALSELEY CLAIM THAT THEY HAVE A RIGHT TO BE ON TOP, TO FALSELY CHARGE NON-XHOSA-SPEAKERS LIKE PHIRI, AND TO DEMAND SEX FROM ANY MAN'S WIFE OR WOMAN IN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE AND VERTERANS' AFFAIRS OF JACOB ZUMA'S RULE IF SHE BE SERIOUS ABOUT HER OWN PROMOTION 'BECAUSE ONLY XHOSA-SPEAKERS LIBERATED SOUTH AFRICA FROM APARTHEID'. I HAVE JUST SHOWN YOU, MY BLOG READER WHY, BECAUSE OF MANDELA AND HIS MIDGET OF A POLITICAL INTELLECT,, SOUTH AFRICA REMAINS A LAND IN TURMOIL WITH RACISM, TRIBALISM AND XENOPHOBIA LACED WITH JACOB-ZUMA-STATE-SPONSORED POLICE VIOLENCE OF SHOOT-TO-KILL-DISSENTERS-EVEN-IF-THEY-BE-MERE-MINE-WORKERS-DEMANDING-A-LIVING-WAGE. AND IF WE AS ANC SUPPORTERS, MEMBERS AND DELEGATES BOTCH THE ONCE-IN-A-CENTURY-CHANCE TO KICK ZUMA OUT AND ELECT THAT WOMAN/MAN WHO WILL BRING BACK THE TRUE HISTORY OF THE ANC, SOUTH AFRICA IS A LAND BOUND TO GET WORSE BECAUSE WE SHALL INSTEAD HAVE ELECTED IN MANGAUG ONE MORE POLITICAL IDIOT ('Mandela Father of The Nation'), THIEF (Fraudster Schabir Shaik benefactor), RAPIST OR SUSPECTED (Nomakhwezi), WOMANIZER ('more is better') AND HEATHEN ('[European Missionaries brought orphans and hunger to Africa]') COME DECEMBER 2012 IN MANGAUNG. YOU CAN WATCH A MORE DETAILED INTERVIEW WITH HER ROYAL HIGHNESS HELEN SEME-DAMBA OF ULUNDI, KWAZULU NATAL IF YOU VISIT THIS POST PER YOUR CLICK, OF COURSE

MANDELA'S "LONG WALK TO FREEDOM" AUTHORED XHOSA-SPEAKING-EASTERN-CAPE&ZUMA-KOWTOWED-TO BLACK RACISM

The Nelson Mandela autobiographical lies driving the 27-year-old concerted racism pro-Mandela’s own Xhosa-speaking-Eastern Cape Province all against Swazi-speaking Goodman Manyanya Phiri, an anti-Phiri persecution slavishly pursued even by naïve, Robben-Island-brainwashed and under-educated Zulu-speaking Jacob Zuma DESPITE THE FACT THAT BRAINWAVES OF THE FOUNDING OF BOTH THE ANC (Dr Pixley Seme) AND THE ANC YOUTH LEAGUE (Anton Lembede per insistence of Seme) CAME FROM JACOB ZUMA'S OWN KWAZULU-NATAL PROVINCE::: VERY CONTRARY TO NELSON MANDELA'S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL LIES THAT IT WAS [A Mr. Lionel Majombozi (medical doctor who clearly must have come from Mandela’s Eastern Cape) who had the brainwave of starting the ANC Youth League] now under the spell of unjustly-expelled Julius Malema (Sello) whose only crime to Zuma is probably that Pedi-speaking Malema is not Xhosa-speaking which tribe per Zuma’s small mind should be the only one to produce leaders as, methinks, per Nelson Mandela’s dissertation in “Long Walk to Freedom” full of the Majombozis who never had anything to do with the founding of no Youth League. PLEASE WATCH BOTH VIDEOS...and in advance, I am sorry for the noice created by the Mamelodi wind during this video shooting.

BLOG'S BACKGROUND PICTURE OF 3 CHILDREN

Phiri’s 3 Children (Girls Tanzanian-born Miss Mercedes-Thoko Phiri& South-African-born Miss Tamara Sibusisiwe Phiri& Tanzanian-born Boy Mr Maziri Lwandiluquqaba Phiri) growing up in suffering. The majority of these children, despite Mandela’s sham Truth and Reconciliation Commission-TRC of the 1990s, are growing up fatherless in Tanzania because of Thembu-tribe-racist Nelson Mandela and Zulu-speaking Mandela-Puppet Jacob Zuma’s xenophobia pro-Mandela’s AbaThembu-tribe-race-superiority currently misruling and ravaging South Africa's infrastructure with corruption as of this moment of year 2012 where Puppet Zuma is begging for a second term as president of South Africa’s 100-year-old ruling party-ANC. The Zuma-orchestrated suffering of the Phiri children is also revenge for Investigative Journalist Phiri’s blowing of the whistle on Zumaphoid exile atrocities in the name of Mandela’s Eastern-Cape ‘Supertribe of Xhosa-speaking-Thembu’). NOTE FOR THE READER: It is not every native Xhosa-speaker who is in fact a Xhosa just as it is not every born-English-speaker who is an Englishman or Englishwoman. The theory to the contrary has been created by both Nelson Mandela (1940s) and Apartheid theories (1960s) in order to hide Mandela's tribalism a.k.a. black racism-pro-Eastern-Cape behind the great and heroic name of the AmaXhosa People who are a distinct and separate race/tribe from Black-Racist Nelson Mandela's Abathembu tribe notorious (via their King Ngubencuka and Mandela great grandfather of the 19th Century) for being puppets of British Colonialism in South Africa while the real Xhosas were fighting the British invader.

18 YRS IN TANZANIA! VICTIM OF ZUMA’S MANDELASQUE-XHOSA TRIBALISM. CHIEF CULPRIT WAS SANDF’S MOFOKENG

The two pictures above are mainly those of Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s daughter (Mercedes-Thoko Phiri), through xenophobia and tribalism (racism) pro-Mandela’s-Xhosa-speaking Eastern-Cape-Province has for 18 solid years now been banished to the United Republic of Tanzania by 3 consecutive men in South-African State power (possibly 4 men if you include Xhosa-speaking Arch-Bishop Emeritus Bishop Tutu Mpilo) all of them members of only a small section of the Nguni-/Ngoni-ethnic supergroup viz. Zulu and “Xhosa”:

1. Nelson Mandela

2. Thabo Mbeki

3. and of late, Jacob Zuma.

Despite Phiri’s reporting of this racism of exile (where Jacob Zuma was heavily involved in signing off people’s deaths with a pen inspired by the myth of ‘Xhosa-Mandela tribal superiority over other African ethnicities’), and Phiri reporting such to the Mandela-ordered ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’ which was led by yet another Mandela-fellow-Xhosa-speaker (Bishop Desmond Tutu), Phiri’s daughter and the rest of that initial family (now and as of Year 2012 and 18 years thence) REMAINS BANISHED TO THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA WHILE HER FATHER (GOODMAN) IS BY THE SELF-SAME ZUMA BEING FALSELY CHARGED OVER AND ABOVE BEING HOUNDED BY ARMED SOLDIERS. PHIRI’S ‘CRIME’: EXPOSING SIMILAR MANDELA-RACE-TRIBE SUPERIORITY COMPLEX IN CURRENT-DAY SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE WHERE CORRUPTION OF THAT EASTERN-CAPE RACE RELATED TO NELSON MANDELA AND PER JACOB-ZUMA-SAYSO IS THE ORDER OF THE DAY (TO BE NONETHELESS COMPENSATED AND PAID FOR BY SOUTH AFRICA TAXPAYER)!

PICTURESQUE!

Jacob Zuma (Mr) and some unnamable character

"Siziwe" a.k.a "Sighs", the self-professed Nelson Mandela Cousin who achieved generalcy and other ranking through adultery/prostitution with at least one Raymond Lentsoe in Year 2000. Goodman Manyanya Phiri, according to Mr Jacob Zuma, must for 11 years now therefore continue to suffer for blowing the whistle against this relative to a Mandela that Zuma calls "The Father of The Nation South Africa". Her official name is Winnie Ntombizodwa Zini-Bobelo... Here follows even her own friend's deposition on her apparently incurably desire, like "Cousin Nelson Mandela" to seek cheap fame while other races must work hard to achieve anything::::

ANNA CECILIA BAM'S DEPOSITION OVER THE ZUMA-PROTECTED CORRUPTION AT AN S.A. ARMY UNDER ZUMA'S OWN DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY
AS COMMANDER IN CHIEF CONSTITUTIONALLY

30th April 2003

1. I, 82001991PE Major Anna Cecilia Gertruida Bam, working at Army Support Base Durban, Snell Parade, Durban and available on 031********, wish to state under oath the following:

a. Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri attended the same Junior Command and Staff Duties Course (JCSD) with me over the period August 2000-March 2001 at the South African Army College, Thaba Tshwane, Pretoria [the Republic of South Africa].

b. It came to my attention that Phiri is facing some charges details of which were not divulged to me.

c. On the 30th April 2003 Phiri requested me to make under oath comment on the characters of certain members that were on course with us; comment also on the character(s) of certain member(s) of the course directing staff [lecturers].

2.Firstly, I was asked to solemnly reflect on my impressions regarding the character of Major Kgotso Edmund Matli, the elected course chairman or student representative. In that regard, I should like to say the following, purely my own individual assessment of the said member's character.

a. As from very early in the course, I personally got the impression that Major Kgotso Edmund Matli was elected as the chairman only as the result of a conspiracy by a group of students that wanted him in the chair so that he can be puppeted or directed around to their own [private]requirements [rather than to the requirements of the larger military student body]. I never got the impression that Matli had the backbone [or capability] to act on his own, towards making a stand or defusing a tense situation all by himself. According to me, Kgotso Edmund Matli had no leadership [qualities or] abilities and he did not possess the ability to effectively lead a group of students of such a diverse [cultural] nature as we or to create a harmonious atmosphere among the students.

b. According to my own perception, Major Kgotso Edmund Matli was also instrumental [in the causation of some of the eruptions of racial tension] that [occurred every so often particularly] towards the end of our course. There were two specific incidents/occasions where Major Kgotso Edmund Matli made racially unacceptable remarks during [his] speeches [as student representative]. The first incident was during a visit by a foreign group (from Sweden, if I remember correctly). Some of the remarks made in his speech [particularly with regard to the] political struggle [of previous years] and the present political situation, really offended some of the course members, mainly white, and they were not only totally out of context , but were also uncalled for.

c. The second specific incident was during a course function at the Wildebees Officers' Club [of the South African Army College in Thaba-Tshwane] where Major Kgotso Edmund Matli launched a verbal attack on some of the white Directing Staff [lecturerers] and alleged that he had been victimized and discriminated against by the white instructors. He claimed that his marks for one of his exam presentations did not reflect [his academic worth] and that "he'd got bad marks due to the fact that his presentation was marked by [white] Lieutenant Colonel Rentia Deiner" and "that [Rentia Deiner] disliked" him. Other [unsavory] remarks regarding the integrity of the white Directing Staff were made. Again, these remarks offended a lot of course members and were totally [beside the point] . These remarks caused [deep] unhappiness and [revved up] tension amongst course members. It is my opinion that, if the major [Kgotso Edmund Matli] had this type of problems and impressions or perceptions [about anybody in relation to his own personal wellbeing on College] , that he had to take it up on the correct channels with the Directing Staff and that the [collective-student] course function at the Wildebees Officers's Club was not the correct place or forum to addresss his [private] perceptions. It was quite notable that Major Matli was never this outspoken against any of the black Directing Staff or fellow black students, and I am convinced that they were not all of them above any criticism, neither were all of them innocent of acts of misbehaviour.

d. I, [once again], .. got the impression that Matli was only representing [a] certain black ..[grouping] on the course and [that he] did not have the interest of everybody at heart. It seemed that he was tutored in what to say and how to handle the course by a certain group of black members on the course.

3. I was also asked [by Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri] to comment on the character of Major Winnie Ntombizodwa Bobelo-Zini that also attended the same course with us.

a. For at least six months of our course, Major Winnie Ntombizodwa Bobelo-Zini and myself were quite good friends. We sometimes had coffee together in my room before attending lectures in the moring. Thus I became aware of some of her intense friendships with some of the Directing Staff [lecturers] and other senior members [our fellow-majors, colonels and generals] of the South African National Defence Force.

b. During the course it was quite apparent that there was a very good relationship between Major Winnie Ntombizodwa Bobelo-Zini and Lieutenant Colonel Atlholang Raymond Lentsoe, the Course Leader [or class teacher] of our course. Lentsoe used to visit her quite frequently in her room [and sleeping quarters] during the week and over weekends. Not all of these visits were course or work-related. In other words, not visits to explain problem areas and or to assist with assignments that were given to the students. I saw them several times just chatting away and enjoying an occasional drink together. Zini also went out with Lentsoe as welll as with other senior officers [colonels and generals] during some weekends to attend parties. At first I thought nothing of this as I also have friendships with other men and with other senior officers. Unfortunately, it then started to seem [as if] Zini was unfairly favoured by this friendship with Lentsoe. This matter had been indirectly addressed in the class and, in response, Lentsoe told us not to question his integrity as an officer and course leader [class teacher] as he, [according to himself] "was not questioning" ours either and at all. The friendship between [Lentsoe and Bobelo-Zini] then became a bit more discreet. [Still,] there were occasions when Lentsoe's car would be parked in front of our [female sleeping quarters] for entire nights. This sparked a new set of assumptions and impressions. I [personally] once witnessed Lentsoe's car parked underneath the big three opposite my bedroom window after midnight one night. One could not make out exactly who was in the car, but it was clear that there were two persons in the car. This was quite an awkward place for Lieutenant Colonel Atlholang Raymond Lentsoe the Course Leader [or Class Teacher] to park his car, as this was a dark and very secluded area of the military base [of the South African Army College in Thaba-Tshwane] . I stayed in Van Rhyneveld 16, the last room next to the car park. [It would seem like] other members of the course also saw this parked vehicle as this matter was to become the talk of the course the next morning.

c. During our examination appreciation in end-November and beginning-December Year 2000, Lieutenant Colonel Atlholang Raymond Lentsoe was not supposed to mark Major Winnie Ntombizodwa Bobelo-Zini's examination. Still, in the [sinister] end he apparently exchanged his marking duties to end up marking Zini's exam. As I was not present during her presentation, I cannot comment on the contents of her exam presentation. But I had visited her room shortly before she started her presentation. I was shocked to see just how little her preparations were for what was a major exam presentation. Her map preparations, overlays and other presentation aids were far from what was required from us according to the guidelines and instructions that we'd received during the course. I asked [my friend] Major Winnie Ntombizodwa Bobelo-Zini where her other aids etc. were and she responded that [what I was seeing] was all she had and all that she needed for her presentation. [Perhaps sensing my sheer disbelief], she [qualified] her previous statement by saying that some of her "other presentation aids were still with someone else who was at that moment busy presenting". This, too, did not make sense to me as we had to [individually] hand in all our exam work at a specific closing/cut-off time, and could only collect it again some 30 minutes before our [individual] exam presentation. This exam was also an [entirely] individual assignment and we were instructed not to work together [or collaborate] at all, neither to discuss our [blue and red or own-and-enemy-forces] appreciations with each other at all. Therefore I found it strange that [my friend] Bobelo-Zini could tell me that some of her presentation aids were still with someone else who was busy using them in his or her own individual presentation. I went to yet another friend's room and said to her that I am very much worried about Zini's presentation because it seems that she had not prepared enough to pass this exam. To our great surprise, Zini obtained very high marks for her exam, almost as good as the best student on the course, an Armour guy who had much more in his presentation and on his maps and walls than anyone of us had. We immediately questioned this incident, but never received a clear-cut answer. That is when I too began to suspect that all was not what it should be on this course and I also started questioning the integrity of some of the Directing Staff. I personally was extremely unhappy because I felt that I had worked extremely hard for this exam but was marked by an external examiner. I felt that I was marked in a much stricter fashion than Zini. I also felt that she was unfairly favoured by being marked by Lentsoe, an eventuality that was not even according to the published Examiners' Program [which program had excluded Lentsoe from marking Bobelo-Zini's work] . It was also unfair because Lentsoe was a personal and close friend of hers. Lentsoe should have refrained from marking Zini's exam due to the fact that their friendship was already viewed with suspicion by many of the students. The friendship between me and Zini, as well as my relations with Lentsoe, became strained after this and was not as spontaneous and easy-going as it had been before this exam.

d. During the course I also got the impression that Zini had a huge influence on the opinions that Lentsoe and the other Directing Staff held about other students on course. They continuously discussed the other members on course. I also got the impression that Zini was two-faced, what she said in front of you and what she said about you behind your back, were two totally didffferent things. She would also tell you certain things that were said about you by Lieutenant Colonel Atlholang Raymond Lentsoe or other students which then turned out later to be void of any truth. When realizing this, I became very cautious as to what I said to Zini or what I'd say about other people in her presence. I realized that my words were being turned around and that things that were meant in a good way, were too frequently used against me as if I had meant them in a bad way. There were also certain times that I got the impression that Zini could be very involved in stirring up some of the racial tensions that flared up from time to time because of the backbiting and gossiping that she frequently made herself guilty of. This, again, is purely a reflection of my personal impressions of the situation.

4. I want to emphasize yet again that the above statement is purely my own impressions, based on my own individual personal experiences with the members mentioned in my statement.

5. This is all I wish to state.

6. I am aware of the contents of the above declaration.

7. I do not have any objection to taking the prescribed oath.

8. I consider the prescribed oath as binding on my conscience.

9. Thus declared and signed by me after pronoucing the prescribed oath on the 30th (thirtieth) day of April 2003 at the Army Support Base Durban [The Republic of South Africa].

SIGNATURE OF DEPONENT

I certify that the deponent [Major Anna Cecilia Gertruida Bam] has acknowledged before me that she knows and understands the contents of this declaration. Thus acknowledged, sworn and signed before me on the 30th (thirtieth) day of April 2003 at the Army Support Base Durban [The Republic of South Africa] .

SIGNATURE OF COMMISSIONER OF OATHS

96662366 PF

Captain Nicholas Mzophethe Sibisi

Army Support Base Durban

P.O. Box ******

Bluff

4036

College of December-2000-fornication-for-promotion pro-Mandela's Eastern Cape Xhosa-Speaking Race. Front Centre sits College Commander one Mr Mxolisi Edward Petane who is naturally one more Mandela's fellow-Xhosa-speaker whom Mr Jacob Zuma, regardless of ability outside of illicit sexual suspicions, seems to be promoting and putting in positions of authority left and right in the Republic of South Africa. (for clearly-indoctrinated Zuma, these folks are apparently the closest thing to his demigod, Nelson Mandela who taught an illiterate Zuma his first political lessons on Robben Island Prison when the latter was about only a tender 15 years old)

Mr Atlholang Raymond Lentsoe in 2001: the tutor/instructor who fell for the embedded seduction of self-professed Nelson Mandela Cousin Siziwe (Winnie Ntombizodwa Zini-Bobelo) all for the purpose of propagating black racism pro-Eastern Cape as per Jacob Zuma's narrow pro-Nguni racism and pro-his Demigod-cum-Father-of-the-Nation Nelson Mandela's fellow Xhosa-speakers of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. Zini-Bobelo is now (without any scintilla of military-science-know-how to go with the prerequisite rank ) "Brigadier General" for Mr Jacob Zuma despite 11 full years of Phiri's informing him of the bedroom antics and black racism pro-Eastern-Cape employed in promoting this woman by (among other powerful males) pictured "gentleman".

IN his 40's then: 2 pictures of Eddie Drost (officially Eduard Frans Drost, born Wednesday 27 January 1960) He is the man who did the dirty job for Mr Jacob Zuma, falsely charging Phiri for a 2001-racial-fracas cause by self-professed Mandela's cousin (Winnie Ntombizodwa Zini-Bobelo illicit fornication-for-promotion with Drost's immediate subordinate Raymond Lentsoe in South Africa's most crucial security department: Defence)

A DAR ES-SALAAM CORNER CALLED

‘CEREBRAL MALARIA’

This is the gruesome nickname by South African exiles given this mapped spot among spots of one of Africa’s friendliest cities (the mosquitoes there are never friendly though particularly for Rh- Blood Groups!)

The name (‘Cerebral Malaria’) for the spot derives from exile-time black racists-pro-Mandela’s-Eastern-Cape’s irreverent abuse made to the medically-termed ‘cerebral malaria’.

‘Cerebral Malaria’ ordinarily refers to a serious illness; but, for the racists of the mid-80s, the term worked wonders whenever they were unfortunate enough to be surprised by Tanzanian nationals committing one of the Zuma atrocities of exile: capturing a man for gruesome execution by racists-pro-Eastern-Cape-Province of Nelson Mandela where Zuma the Zulu of KwaZulu-Natal excelled in giving the go-ahead! (Zuma was at about age 15 in the same prison with Nelson Mandela and Mandela and ANC Leader Oliver Tambo had to prove by means of this illiterate Zulu youngster that they were not, which in fact thery were, anti-Zulu pioneer spirit in the founding back in 1912 of the ANC with the material assistance of Blogger and Writer Phiri’s first Cousin Swazi Queen Labotsibeni)

Geographical ‘Cerebral Malaria’ stands right in the heart of Dar es-Salaam, a city in the littoral United Republic of Tanzania where ancient civilization and the first state of Azania/Zion put its capital named Rhapta.

This corner, as alluded to earlier, is an ANC nickname for a spot inspired by Zuma’s devilishness in exile; but please note that South Africans did not so gruesomely christen a corner of an otherwise mellifluous Dar es-Salaam for nothing! You are bound to be shocked before you finish reading these paragraphs and I am not even sure when I will finish the editing of this pain!

However, before we adumbrate on the history of the blood-curdling nickname, please read this stuff coterminous to the PAC (Pan Africanist Congress of Azania) which is Blogger and Writer Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s political party.

I just hope this added part will help explain the whereabouts of this place in Dar es-Salaam and more importantly ipso facto shed some light on some of the lies and fibs told South Africa’s Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission a decade or so ago all in order to hide Jacob Zuma’s personal involvement in atrocities of exile where he in his Grade-4-level-political-ignorance-cum-henchmanship-to-Nelson-Mandela-tribal-superiority-of-the-Eastern-Cape-Native, was from Lusaka (Zambia) signing even the torture to death of South African children still unaccounted for by the fully-knowledgeable and accountable racists-pro-Mandela’s-Eastern-Cape like Minion Jacob Zuluman Jacob Zuma.

South of where you see written ‘Gapco Gas Station’, or even ‘right on top of’ the gas station will be some three-to-seven-storey structure called ‘Mwananchi’ Building and a residence allocated me by my mother organization, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. Of course, when the PAC fell into the hands of a racist-Eastern-Caper called Clarence Mlamli Makwetu I was ejected from the building (and by the Mofokengs sent with my new wife-Leonilde and as-yet unborn daughter Mertho Matanje for slow torture by being denied all support from the PAC even though I was still-and-till-April-1994-when-the-radio-broadcasts-were-terminated the premier radio broadcast journalist for the organization) for having recorded with the PAC the atrocities committed in the ANC by Zuma’s henchmanship to Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism in the ANC.

Anyway, the map shows where I lived with Mr. Daniel Mohato Mofokeng (the saluting general on one of these pics) and a man who fully knew about human-right abuses by people like Jacob Zuma pro-Zuma-demigod-Nelson-Mandela race and tribe to the detriment of the rest of South Africans who are not from the Eastern Cape. But of course Mr. Mofokeng’s lies to the TRC are based on ‘brother-in-lawship’!

Mofokeng is married to one Xhosa-speaking Pearl who is by the same token one more member of invert Super Humans invert; she would d be one more Mandela’s fellow race who are per Zuma’s machinations currently misruling South Africa.

She comes from the people who, per Zuma’s indoctrinated mind, must to this day continue to savage non-Xhosa-speaking people through all manner of cruelty including false charges where a man like Phiri must pay for himself to be prosecuted and get no assistance from Zuma’s government to pay legal fees in defence of himself notwithstanding the status of a civil servant...

…notwithstanding the fact of blowing the whistle on work-place corruption…

…notwithstanding the fact that the victimization charges are wholly work-related and Phiri supposedly committed them in service and well-being of the Republic of South Africa ridding it of the Zuma-Mandela kind of black racism currently eating away at the very soul of the this Nation.

And of course, Zuma's sub-henchman-Mofokeng is ingratiating himself with the Xhosa-speaking Mandela people; hence he had not scruple in plainly lying to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission a decade or so ago.

...To be conTinued....

ZUMA'S FOOTSOLDIERS IN HIS BLACK RACISM IN SOUTH AFRICA

It must be very nice and snug to be a Nelson Mandela and also capable of indoctrinating another man like Jacob Zuma to do your racist job for you! As reader, (pictorially above) you are looking at one more (Jacob-Zuma-created) loose cannon in South Africa’s Army, the South African National Defence Force, post-1994: the racial superiority pro-Mandela’s Xhosa-speaking Thembu of the Eastern Cape.

The face you see on the picture, she is a junior officer by both age and rank and even lacks experience be it academic or military (even her own father can’t write even one good paragraph in English without glaring grammatical errors bespeaking lack of education).

Nonetheless, wherever she goes she, just like her cousin Ntombizodwa Winnie Zini-Bobelo (who had to pass at least one of her studies by sheer fornication only), the pictured young woman will strike terror among colonels and generals alike be they white or black of non-Mandela-Language-Xhosa-speaking ‘because she Girl is the daughter of Zumas’s super-hero and Mandela’s Cousin Mr. Temba Templeton Matanzima who clearly is one of the members of ex-Eastern-Cape-Province-Mandela-Clan-or-Lingo-per-Xhosa that must have given Zuma the infamous SPY TAPES that saved a potential fellow-Schabir-Sheik-corruption-prisoner time in jail and rather turned prisoner-potential into Head of State if only for the purpose of doing the bidding of the Eastern Cape Black Racists ravaging South Africa’s sustainability of course after the successful dress rehearsal of turning their own Xhosa-speaking Eastern Cape Province into its current basket-case-status all from the days of Mandela’s cousin and Bantustan Dictator Kaiser Daliwonga Matanzima to the present time of Yesman, Henchman and Spytapesman Mr. Jacob Zuma!

That is then how one of the greatest armies (SANDF) of Africa got its very espirit-de-corps, got its morale and f its fighting capability being destroyed by a Zuma indoctrinated to racial superiority pro-Mandela’s race from the days the two were together in Robben Island in the 60s (I suppose) to the days when Zuma was unleashed for exile henchmanship via over-promotion (while his more-educated fellow-Zulus were apparently being poisoned to death in exile by Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speaking Oliver Tambo’s regime on the longsuffering ANC) for his illiterate and thoroughly-indoctrinated mind.

To reiterate, this is exactly the same tribal error that Zuma in the eighties of exile unleashed in camps like Morogoro’s Dakawa and Mazimbu in Tanzania. And comrades who protested this were ordered by Zuma executed even by means of burial-alive-methods like two Coloureds who were buried alive by one Xhosa –speaking Mr. Robert Mance (and administrator of Mazimbu and Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College) with the say-so of utterly-indoctrinated Zuma.

That was in the 1980’s and many MISTAKENLY thought the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (led by Mandela’s fellow Xhosa-speaker Bishop Tutu closed and sealed the Apartheid-era chapter (which it in fact did not close because the Afrikaners were let lose who buried Stanza Bopape’s bones in some place only known to themselves known while on the other hand Apartheid-era human-right-abusers of exile like Mr. Jacob Zuma were shielded by that self-same Commission to the extent that they have never even been forced to go point out to the secret graves they made of South Africa’s children who opposed both Afrikaner Apartheid within the Country South Africa and within Mandelasque Xhosa –speaking Tembu tribalism conducted by Zuma in exile!)

Today is Year 2012 and Zuma’s henchmanship pro-Mandela-race-superiority has sprung in action once again! Except today Zuma uses illegal Anton Piller orders. Zuma will as of this 2012 send to your house this heavily armed military police contingent of six soldiers ostensibly “just to take away from you the computer you blog with”…and what utterly nonsensical excuse for trying to assassinate a patriot when blogging does not need one computer and one can blog even from an internet café? Of course, the military men are there to execute you in defence of Mandela’s black racism in South Africa and the seizure of computers is just a mere excuse! They will kill you per pretext you threatened them with a fire arm and thereupon put next to your bleeding corpse a stolen firearm, ‘the very one you used to threaten them with hence they had to fatally shoot you’

Mr. Temba Templeton Matanzima:

Jacob Zuma’s 2012-Ombudsman for officers of the Republic of South Africa. How so? You ask.

Well, Jacob Zuma has effectively thanked Temba Templeton Matanzima for the mess both of them have so far made of the South African National Defence Force, hence ‘Ombudsman of the Department of Defence Matanzima’.

And so, soldiers aggrieved must for angelic solutions go to the very devil that (over the years of Zuma’s racially-biased rule) caused them problems in the very first place! Talk of Hobson’s choice!

I laughed the other day when an elderly white farmer friend of mine asked:

“Phiri, but why don’t you take your problem to the newly-appointed Ombudsman of South Africa’s Department of Defence and Veterans’ Affairs?”

I could have replied: But Zuma’s 2012 Ombudsman is a mere throwback to Zuma’s mid- 1980s Tanzania-Morogoro-Mazimbu/Solomon-Mahlangu Freedom College’s ex-Eastern-Cape and Xhosa-speaking Mr. Robert Mance who (per Zuma’s orders) buried alive two Coloureds!

Mark you, it is Zuma’s Ombudsman Mr. Temba Templeton Matanzima who gleefully executed Jacob Zuma’s illegal order March 2011 whereby heavily-armed soldiers were sent to Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s residence in Lyttelton Pretoria for the apparent purpose of of killing me on the pretext ‘Phiri resisted an Anton Piller merely aimed at taking his computer and stopping him from any further blogging…

…blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s family members…

…blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s Tembu/AbaThembu tribe, and…

……blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers of the Eastern Cape Province, and a province recently turned into a basket-case due to corruption by Zuma’s appointees covered-up by self-same black racism pro-Mandela’s people that Zuma is now spreading for the rest of the Republic starting with the country’s backbone which is the Department of Defence. With every single day greeting South Africa with a Zuma at the helm, the writing is “Republic of South Africa heading for the gutters”.

But to return to the Phiri victimization, the salt of the injury lies here: that Anton Piller application against longsuffering Phiri had been duly and lawfully requested (from Gauteng-North-Division of the High Court of South Africa) by Zuma and his favourite minister (a woman I dare not mention by name seeing that there is a Judge-Webster order that instructs I must not talk about her any more).

The point here is : Zuma and his favourite female Minister so unnameable were plainly refused an Anton Piller by Honourable Judge Webster; but maybe their ‘friend’ in that court [a one Mr. Bernard Ngoepe who is not only President of the Division but seemingly confuses ‘his administrative responsibility over his own judges’ with ‘dependence of those judges’ decisions on Ngoepe’s administrative whims’] secretly advised Zuma in the following manner:

‘You Zuma are still within your rights to do the Anton Piller via the SANDF rather than via the expected and normal South African Police Services (SAPS) in such operations which would have been the case if my otherwise stupid Judge Webster had not denied you the go-ahead for the applied-for Anton Piller against Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri. And I, Bernard Ngoepe who knows the Army like the back of my hand since I review all their cases and will review Phiri’s tell you now: “DO AN ANTON PILLER AGAINST PHIRI VIA THE SANDF AND FORGET ABOUT JUDGE GEORGE WEBSTER’S STUPID ORDER TO THE CONTRARY”’.

Everything boils down to very one thing: Zuma and his new Department of Defence Ombudsman Matanzima come not as the greatest respecters of the rule of law in South Africa and with every single day these characters are allowed to rule over us, South Africa is becoming a nightmare for her own citizens.

I mean: the official version of the Gauteng North Division of South Africa’s High Court (part and parcel of the country’s supreme court junior only to the Constitutional court currently headed by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng) was: ‘NO ANTON PILLER AGAINST LIEUTENANT COLONEL GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI.’

So (except for individuals like Zuma and Mandela who want to over-night turn their family members into super-administrators, ombudsmen, brigadier-generals-via-the-bedroom and multi-millionaires where none of those qualifications deserved) what true democrat.. what true child.. and what true member of an ANC and ruling party formed by our ancestors like Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme and Swazi Queen Mother Labotsibeni 100 years ago for the purpose of combating these kinds of discriminatory activities by powerful people like Zuma can allow the contempt poured by this Zuma on Honourable Judge George Webster order that [there should be no Anton Piller against Phiri]?

I write here with the admission that cynics who read this may ask the question:

“Phiri, you are a soldier, and as such what did you expect less than a raid of your residence for your computer if you dared blog about South Africa’s military?”

My answer may be lengthy, but still very simple. And it is this. Like anybody else, soldiers like Phiri are human beings too! Soldiers remain needful of constitutional protection and soldiers are in fact (to unschooled Zuma’s ignorance) duly protected by South Africa Constitution. And hey wake up, Cynical People: Soldiers are also fathers and they are also mothers like you!

Ultimately, if Jacob Zuma succeeds to kill Phiri by silly ruses like sending his six trigger-happy military policemen ostensibly ‘just for taking away the computer Phiri blogs with’, who will take care of Phiri’s daughter Tamara hardly two this August month of 2012?

If Zuma succeeds in his murderous path so gruesomely started in his mid-80s days of exile worship to Mandela’s racism pro-Eastern-Capers, who will take care of my other children still banished by Jacob Zuma to Tanzania for the sins of the father who (to both the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania political party of South Africa and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission) in vain reported Zuma’s henchmanship to Mandela’s black racism pro-Eastern-Cape in the camps of exile of Dakawa and Mazimbu for example?

If Zuma succeeds to murder me, who will take care of the mothers to these children?

O.K. maybe Zuma will want to marry these beautiful women for his umpteenth wive that taxpayers of South Africa will forever foot their bill as First Ladies of South Africa ruled by a savage who has no idea of what it is to be holy King Shaka Zulu’s idea of a true Zulu, but as a victim I (Goodman Manyanya Phiri) remain unimpressed!

So it is legally-speaking sheer nonsense that racist abusers of people’s human rights like Jacob Zuma ‘have as commanders in-chief of the military and other security organizations a carte blanche legal leeway to send robotic shoot-to-kill soldiers traipsing into the houses of army lieutenant colonels like Phiri as the Zuma-like dictators so wish’!

Ask yourself: “If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to an officer Phiri,

“If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to a gentleman Phiri,

If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to Republic of South Africa’s Man of Honour Phiri by sending soldiers ready to kick doors down ‘just to for the purpose of taking Phiri’s PC with which Phiri reports Army corruption and racism’, WHAT PROTECTION DO DOWN-TO-EARTH CIVILIANS HAVE AGAINST ZUMA WHEREVER THEY DARE WHISTLE AGAINST BLACK-RACIST-ZUMA-PRO-MANDELA-TRIBE IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA?

Maybe I should give my reply this way: If it was constitutionally kosher for Jacob Zuma to send those military men to my residence in Lyttelton-Centurion-Pretoria like he did by means of the Army’s ‘Matanzima Commander-since-turned-Ombudsman Matanzima’, WHY DID ZUMA IN THE FIRST PLACE BOTHER TO GO VIA HIS UNNAMABLE FEMALE DEFENCE AND VETERANS AFFAIRS MINISTER TO PLEAD WITH JUDGE GEORGE WEBSTER?

OUT TO DESTROY PHIRI FOR ZUMA ARE THESE!

Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri presenting speech during a cultural function in honour of the Dlaminis who are Phiri’s Swazi Royal grandmotherly people. The Swazi-speaking Dlaminis are the founders of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress in terms of material sustainability what with the Swazi Queen Mother Labotsibeni-Dlamini having parted with the greatest founding contribution ever made in 1912 to the ANC (200 head of cattle) over and above financing the great ANC’s mouthpiece/newspaper (“Abantu/Batho”) from as early as possible in the ANC’s lifetime till as late as the 1940s when black racists-pro-Eastern-Cape like Mr Nelson Mandela infiltrated the ANC to kill a newspaper that sought to destroy European colonial borders between South Africa and the following countries (among others): Lesotho, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Zambia and, of course, Queenmother Labotsibeni’s own Kingdom of Swaziland currently ruled by lonesome King Mswati III. If you understand Nguni/Swazi/Siswati, you can among other presentations in the Dlamini Cultural Function Phiri was addressing, watch video One or Second of Phiri talking, also of ANC stalwart Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa who shares with Phiri one common ancestor: Swazi Prince Khenkhana Dlamini, a founder of South Africa’s Royal Residence of Emjindini/Barberton, Mpumalanga Province. Now, if a WOMAN (the Swazi Labotsibeni-Inkhosikati-Gwamile-LaMdluli) is ruling ANC’s greatest material founder (we know intellectual founder was Zuluman Dr Pixley ka-Isaka Seme [by affinity Second Maternal Cousin Removed to Blogger and Writer Goodman Manyanya Phiri]), WHY IS SOUTH AFRICA ALLOWING MALE CHAUVIN~~IST~~ JACOB ZUMA TO REDUCE CIVIL-SERVANT AFRICAN WOMEN TO MERE EXTENSIONS OF THEIR OWN VAGINAS? Please, wake up to the scourge Ye South African women and Sisters to Phiri and other right-thinking men!...this indeed an August-1-2012 update in favour of Women's Month in South Africa.

Jacob Zuma (Mr) and some unnamable character

LENGIBATSANDZAKO

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Thursday, November 1, 2012

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