Saturday, November 3, 2012

MLANDELI ALFRED KULA: PHIRI GETTING FROM ALPHA TO ZULU ON JACOB ZUMA’S MALE-CHAUVINISTIC MANDELASQUE-XHOSA-TRIBALIST-CUM-BLACK-RACIST AND A SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE-SANDF’S GENERAL LEFT OFF THE HOOK BY ARCHBISHOP DESMOND TUTU AND HIS TRC.



If Mojo Motau (video above) was an Apartheid-era exile link to Mandelasque Xhosa-tribalism (together with the Zulu Jacob Zuma), Alfred Mlandeli Kula (Xhosa-speaking Houdini?) was one of the links that operated inside the country towards the canker of black racism/tribalism pro-Nelson Mandela's tribe. And when the day of liberation came, thanks to Bishop Tutu’s leniency with his Truth And Reconciliation Commission so-called,the threesome combined forces with other tribal elements like Eastern-Cape borns Army Inspector General ‘Sebata’ Muiseng Mashoala of whom MK veterans will tell you had to be locked up in Angola at some stage for making the first attempt on the life of thereinafter slain Xhosa-speaking communist leader Chris Hani; they joined forces with Mandela cousins Temba Templeton Matanzima Lieutenant General; they joined in with another self-professed Mandela cousin (Winnie Ntombizodwa Zini-Bobelo) so dull she had to prostitute herself in order to get any rank higher than a major; they joined forces with their brother-in-law Major General “Romero” Daniel Mohato Mofokeng who is spouse to Xhosa-speaking Pearl Mofokeng;  they joined forces with Xhosa-speaking ‘Sputla’Patrick Sipho Matolweni AND CONVINCED A GULLIBLE WHITE BRIGADIER GENERAL EDDIE DROST THAT PHIRI WAS EASY MEAT TO BE CHARGED WITH THE MOST FLIMSY OF CHARGES ALL IN AN EFFORT TO TOADY UP TO BLACK-RACIST-CUM-THEMBU-RACIST NELSON ROLIHLAHLA MANDELA AND OTHER NAÏVE POLITICIANS WHO WENT INTO THE PITFALL OF MISTAKING MANDELA FOR ‘THE FATHER OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATION’.

Jacob Zuma, the Zuluman undereducated and turned into a Zombie for blind Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism in South Africa where he believes figments of his own imaginations like "[Mandela's tribe is the most superior even worth killing for against challengers of the beklief]" and "[Nelson Mandela is Father of the Nation South Africa and thus Mandela's fellow-Xhosa-speakers and relatives are above the laws of the Republic of South Africa]"
Brigadier General Mlandeli Alfred Kula (born Sunday 26 October 1958) as of his 51st year of life (2009) after an apparently successful trashing (thanks to Kula himself and other Mandelasque-Xhosa-tribal friends) of Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri.  Kula is shown here as per his more serious appointment as Career Manager for the entire South African Army; and as he stands here he is waiting for an order direct from Jacob Zuma to shut down unlawfully-suspended Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s salary for no other reason except Phiri’s whistle-blowing on Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism in the SANDF.  Bitter and vengeful Kula  wills to shut down whistle-blowing and suspended Phiri’s salary for the latter’s revelations  on-line over the  Jacob-Zuma-condoned abuse of women SANDF officers and our sisters/wives/cousins who, in Kula and tribal company’s views, are otherwise regarded as ‘no-thinkers-but-mere-sex-objects-for-the-enjoyment-of-male-generals-like-a-Kula-reputedly-into-dog-styles if any fancied woman under his command be serious about her own promotion’.
(WARNING:

YOU ARE BEING DOUBLY WARNED!
DO NOT WATCH THIS VIDEO IF YOU ARE UNDER 18)


But then, Jacob Zuma must bear it in mind as to what happens in Africa when individuals like he not only introduce politics to soldiery that is supposed to be apolitical, yet such individuals as he even have the gall to get drunk with state power that they have been given by someone else along tribal lines (like Jacob Zuma's current power from his so-called Father of the Nation Nelson Mandela per Zuma's own shallow political analysis).  Mr Zuma, Sir! If you get soldiers like the SANDF members into politics, Mr Zuma, you will end up with your own execution, I suspect: just like Liberian Head of State Mr Doe was executed. Tribalism is always hated by Africans, Sir Zuma! And the soldiers of the SANDF you are busy tribalizing for Mandela will take you from deep down of your Nkandla Homestead in KwaZulu-Natal Province however deep your underground rooms may be and ye shall be taken from that hole in the earth just like Saddam Hussein was!. STOP PLAYING AROUND WITH AFRICA OR THE WORLD, MR ZUMA! Stop turning the SANDF into your political machine for votes. And you shall not be allowed to do that particularly if you do such along tribal or racial lines!

Your Friend, Mr Zuma and Another tribalist-pro-his-Home-Town-And-Province Muammar Gaddafi paid for his tribalism (similar to yor demigod Nelson Mandela whom you serve by fielding the Kula's to the highest army positions) PAID FOR HIS OWN RACISM IN THE SHAPE AND MANNER OF GADDAFI'S DEATH as seen on the following video 



(WARNING:
YOU ARE BEING DOUBLY WARNED!


DO NOT WATCH THE NEXT TWO VIDEOS  IF YOU ARE UNDER 18)





You would think that after the bitter lessons of both colonialism and Apartheid racism in South Africa, post-1994 politicians like Jacob Zuma would be sufficiently clued about the fact that racial or tribal oppression does not pay.  But no, not for autobiographically-self-professed slow-learner Nelson Mandela, nor for his unschooled protégé Jacob Zuma (to say nothing of Mandela’s fellow Xhosa-speaker Daydreamer-Africanist Thabo Mbeki) saw the need to eschew mistakes of Apartheid in terms of racial-superiority-belief practices.


Disappointingly, the self-same so-called freedom-fighters like Jacob Zuma are today putting in the most sensitive and most senior of state positions (including Defence) some of the worst perpetrators of acts against human rights
.

 I am writing here about characters like one Mlandeli Alfred Kula (if evidence given to Bishop Tutu’s Truth And Reconciliation Commission and a commission ordered into being by President Nelson Mandela himself, is anything to go by).


Today (November 2012 when Jacob Zuma is busy grovelling from the great ANC to be reelected Party President for the second time running when his administration seems in women to see all-vaginas-and-other-sexual-orifices-for-male-pleasure where us non-sex-maniacs see in South African women fellow-citizens-who-happen to be female well-endowed with brains as we are or probably MORE brains than us men possess, if science is to be believed), we present background info found on-line (as well as Blogger’s own experience) over the notorious character Mlandeli Alfred Kula a Xhosa-speaker who believes in intellectual so-called superiority of the Xhosa-speaker of South Africa over non-Xhosa-speakers.
Please bear in mind as you read that Alfred Mlandeli Kula (“General Sir”, perhaps I need to say, “Your Honour”, is among the hordes of Mandelasque-Xhosa-speaking generals who were found by at least one College instructor attempting to pass their military courses through fraud… most of these guys are educated in nothing else pedagogically, except being Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers from an Eastern Cape that gave the world the Mandela that Jacob Zuma views as God or Father of The Nation..when he fact stole his legacy from the the real founder of the ANC, Zulu-speaking Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme).
In the respect of placing Kula among his legion of alleged Xhosa-speaker fraudsters, I will rely among  other sources on the following one where On 11 July 2008, a Beeld-Newpaper Reporter (Erika Gibson) seems to have reported the following on Xhosa-speaking Mandelasque-Xhosa tribalist Alfred Kula and his ilk WHERE THE SUBJECT FOR NOW  is Mandelasque-Xhosa-tribalist (and as of Year 2012) ‘Major General’ Norman Yengeni and he who worked hand-in-glove with Mandelasque-Xhosa-tribalist-Mandela-Cousin-turned-Army-Ombudsman in order to boost Jacob Zuma’s chances for reelection as ANC Party Chief in 2012 by means of defyiung a Judge Goerge Webster’s order NOT TO CONDUCT AN ANTON PILLER AGAINST [WHITLE-BLOWING] GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI































































































































Norman Yengeni, one of the many Mandelasque-Xhosa-tribalist senior officers of the SANDF some six years ago allegedly suspected or even found guilty of committing the fraud of passing their College examinations illegitimately, seen here by Zuma order in early 2012 quickly promoted to Major General’s rank clearly in order to shore up Zuma’s support by the military for a re-election end 2012 to the post of ‘STILL-ANC-PRESIDENT-VIA-MANGAUNG’ and a party president destined to baby-sitting in South Africa for another 5 years Mandela’s brand of racism pro-Eastern Cape. Blogger Phiri believes Zuma will not make it  Mangaung unless his potential opponents chicken out which they may well do where Zuma is a Gaddafi-style old and mean fighter non-pareil. When Zuma in December 2012 loses his bid to lead the ANC, he will not only lose his presidency over the Republic but, as Phiri and Blogger belives, he will witness (probably from behind a prison cell) his over-promoted Army generals (the Yengenis and the Kulas) beingdemoted seeing that these folks are not only undereducated having probably got their ranks through fraud, but they have conducted these nefarious acts (allegedly) using UNFAIR RACISM pro-black racism pro-Mandela’s Eastern-Cape home Province which is totally against the constitution of the Republic South Africa.  But Zuma should have read the constitution of the Republic before going into these wholesale and unlawful promotions of the Yengenis and the Kulas.  But Jacob Zuma has hardly been to school himself, making the reading and understanding of South Africa’s constitution a nigh-impossible task for him!





As Blogger I Phiri develops my own ideas about a man (Mlandeli Alfred Kula) who has for many years been Phiri's own racially oppressive supervisor in the South African National Defence Force of Tribalists Zuma and Mandela (Mbeki included), reader must bear in mind that Kula, the SANDF general in question is also reputed as a power-abusive womanizer preying on junior male officers's wives and other male civilians' wives who may be in employed under his command in the South African Department of Defence and Veternas' Affarirs.

 O no doubt about it, but Kula's reputation and bad reputation for that matter is of a man empowered by 'his fellow-tribesman Nelson Mandela himself the father of one too many illegitimate babies per recent newspaper revelelations' on vulnerable women of the Department of Defence who are rightfully desirous of promotion.  The Kulas of the Defence Force, just like the Lentsoes, reportedly get their rocks from suppressing hard-working female officers from promotion and opening one door to promotion, via their bedrooms as male chauvinists unleased on uniformed daughters of South Africa by Jacob Zuma and his Eastern-Cape so-called master-fathers of the nation.


On Saturday, August 2010 ‘Sunshine Week’ published even very much  on-line Nelson Mandela’s treatment (from which examples he should have taught over-polygamous Jacob Zuma) of women as sex objects for denied illegitimate children. But please follow only the link for your satiation but do SKIP the coloured lettered immediately below since they have been copied and pasted from the said link just in case the website source gets deleted one of these bad days!


When reading stuff about Nelson Mandela I keep in the back of my mind his views as expressed in: How to Be a Good Communist, by Nelson Mandela (PDF) and authoritarian communism's number one priority: maximum secrecy (How to Master Secret Work, by ANC & SACP (PDF)).

Authoritarian communists practice secrecy, to hide their true agenda's and motives, corruption and illegal acts, and mostly their violence, so as to put forth a fake untrue image of themselves and their organisation, as 'democratic'. Democratic communists (i.e. they only accept people who want to join their commune, after having been fully-informed, not lied to behind secrets and fake agenda's. You join voluntary and you can leave anytime.) include John Maher, the founder of Delancy Street Foundation; whose work and practice is totally different than that of the ANC.

Mahatma Gandhi's struggle also favoured transparency and honesty, to keep his movement accountable.

Nelson Mandela was also the founder of Umkomthe We Sizwe, whose military intelligence (security department) was Umbokodo.

This is a poem that former ANC member, Sam Mngqibisa wrote about his education as an Imbokodo officer, as quoted in Women in the ANC and SWAPO: Sexual Abuse of Young Women in the ANC Camps, by Olefile Samuel Mngqibisa (Elty Mhlekazi) (PDF). [This document is included,among many others, as an evidentiary document in Radical Honesty SA Amicus Curiae to Concourt in Citizen v. McBride (PDF), the contents of which are being massively censored by the SA media.]
Give a young boy — 16 years old — from the ghetto of Soweto, an
opportunity to drive a car for the first time in his life.
This boy is from a poor working class family.
Give him money to buy any type of liquor and good, expensive clothes.
This boy left South Africa during the Soweto schools uprising in 1976.
He doesn't know what is an employer.
He never tasted employer-exploitation.
Give him the right to sleep with all these women.
Give him the opportunity to study in Party Schools and well-off
military academies in Eastern Europe.
Teach him Marxism-Leninism and tell him to defend the revolution
against counter-revolutionaries.
Send him to the Stasi to train him to extract information by force from
enemy agents. He turns to be a torturer and executioner by firing
squad.
All these are the luxuries and the dream-come-true he never thought
of for his lifetime...
This Security becomes the law unto itself.

I ask myself, how would South Africa have been different, if the founders of the ANC had decided to practice transparency and honour and integrity, and to hold themselves and their culture accountable for how they treat their children, how they breed children for economic, sexual slavery and cannon fodder purposes. What if Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela had chosen to start a campaign to encourage blacks to adopt a cultural trait of personal responsibility and concern for their children, whereby they refrained from procreation until they could provide for a stable and loving environment for their offspring in a small committed family environment.

What kind of 'father' refuses to reply to the letters of his illegitimate daughter for 12 years? What kind of organisation and friends stand around such a man and don't accuse him of being a scumbag for his behaviour towards his children?

Secret affairs of Madiba surface


June 13 2010 at 09:55AM
Sunday Tribune

]
Nelson Mandela's autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, was first published in 1994, the year he became president of South Africa, but it owes its origins to events on Robben Island, his prison 20 years earlier. Some of his fellow ANC inmates cooperated with him in secretly writing a memoir that was smuggled out of the jail.

Mandela would write during the night and pass the finished pages to another prisoner, Mac Maharaj.

The book was never published, although Mandela used an incomplete version as the basis for his autobiography.

When I asked Maharaj two years ago whether readers would have learnt much about the real Mandela from it, he said, no, that was part of the problem: Mandela's reluctance to give of himself.

Maharaj used to joke with Mandela about that on Robben Island: "This thing is shaping up to be a f****** political instrument."

Mandela: "What do you want?"

Maharaj: "This is not a biography - the man, the person has got to come out."

Mandela: "What do you mean?"

Maharaj: "Well, your first wife, what kind of person was she, what did you do after your first marriage broke up, before it broke up?"

Mandela: "I don't discuss that with young boys like you." (Maharaj was about 40, Mandela 60.)

Maharaj persuaded Walter Sisulu, Mandela's friend and mentor, also a prisoner, to speak to him.

A few nights later Mandela wrote a note to Maharaj that said: "In that section where I write about the break-up of my marriage, insert the following sentence: 'And then I led a thoroughly immoral life.' "
Maharaj went back to him: "I want to know who you led this immoral life with."

"No," said Mandela, "I won't talk about that."

The reader will search high and low in Long Walk to Freedom for any reference to Mandela's immorality. History had been revised.

By the time it was published he was on his way to becoming South Africa's first democratically elected leader and was already widely regarded as the world's elder statesman - perhaps our greatest living beacon of moral authority. An admission of immorality might have detracted from his heroic reputation - especially when the "immorality" began during his first marriage and not after it ended.

Mandela's first wife was a nurse called Evelyn Mase. They met in 1944 when he was working part-time in Johannesburg as a legal clerk and studying to be an advocate.

"I think I loved him the first time I saw him," she told Fatima Meer, a friend who wrote his first biography.

"Within days of our first meeting we were going steady and within months he proposed."
They were radiant, she said, on the day of their wedding in Johannesburg in 1944; Mandela was 26 and Evelyn 23. Their first child, a boy, Thembekile, was born in 1946 and about a year later they moved into a small house, 8115 Orlando West, in what is now Soweto.

It was, Mandela said in his memoirs, "the opposite of grand but it was my first true home of my own and I was mightily proud".

Last March the Soweto Heritage Trust opened the house as a museum. Its curators interviewed Winnie Mandela, Mandela's second wife, who insisted she had been the first and only Mrs Mandela to live there. Zindzi, one of their daughters, revealed not long afterwards that she had only just discovered it was not true.

The incident was not only indicative of a tendency to rewrite history but also a pointer to some of the ill feeling that has arisen between the offspring of Mandela's first family and his second. These are sensitive, delicate, personal issues, not only involving Mandela but others, too.

They speak of hidden tragedy and blighted lives and I can write about them only because people have been open with me, wanting to see the truth aired at last.

I was encouraged by those around Mandela to write about him as a human being.

Don't write about the icon, came the plea; he knows he is not a saint, he has flaws and weaknesses just like everyone else.

So who is Nelson Mandela, the human being?
In 1953 Mandela and another young African attorney, Oliver Tambo, set up the first black law partnership in South Africa. Ruth Mompati - who later played a part in the break-up of Mandela's first marriage - was a key figure in the firm.

An ANC activist and former teacher who had abandoned the profession because the new apartheid regime considered "natives" did not merit a proper education, she had retrained as a shorthand typist.

When I met her in 2008 she had just turned 83 but was still "dignified and reserved" as others remembered her.

After she started working for Mandela & Tambo, her husband moved to Durban to work, coming home now and again. This has led to some speculation.

"Mandela was my boss, my leader, my friend," Ruth said, adding, perhaps just a little disingenuously: "I never know what people want me to say."

A journalist had asked her once if they'd had a relationship.

"He said that Nelson Mandela was a ladies' man and he wanted me to say I was one of the ladies." Ruth thought the journalist was rude and took exception to his questions.

I interviewed her in her home town, Vryburg, where she was then mayor. She was still not very open to discussing personal matters, but I persevered.

She wagged a finger at my tape recorder and asked me to turn it off. Though she denied it, people close to Mandela are confident in asserting that she had a child by him.

The intention here is not to cast her as some kind of scarlet woman. She fought long and loyally for the ANC and made great personal sacrifices, leaving her family and children to go underground and be among the first women to receive military training for its armed wing. She did not see her two sons again for eight years. Later, both died in terrible circumstances.
Once the difficult subject was raised and the tape recorder was off, she said she knew people would say she had had a son by Mandela, but it was simply not true.

However, she did not, in so many words, deny the affair.

Besides Mompati, there were other women, too, some with names that do not appear elsewhere.

One of Mandela's oldest friends, Amina Cachalia, describes Mandela as tight-lipped about these matters even now: "When I asked him about Ruth, he said, 'Don't talk nonsense'."

Despite his denials, Amina has no doubt that he had quite a few girlfriends. He liked women, she said, especially the good-looking ones.

Dolly Rathebe - a bikini-clad cover girl for Drum magazine - had an affair with Mandela but, again, it was not talked about.

A singer and actress, Dolly was a contemporary of Miriam Makeba and her band, the Skylarks.
When I asked the former Skylark, Abigail Kubeka, in 2008 about Dolly and Mandela, she leant out of her chair, pretended to lift up the edge of the carpet and sweep that story underneath it, putting her finger to her lips and saying, "Sssh".

It appears that Dolly was among those who carried a torch for him through the prison years and had hopes that he might come to her after his release in 1990.

Evelyn rarely spoke ill of Mandela and always affirmed her continuing love for him.

So perhaps she, too, was hopeful.

Dolly, Amina, Evelyn and who knows who else?

Without naming names, Evelyn gave her account of the break-up of their marriage to Fatima Meer and Fred Bridgland, a reporter who found her fuming gently at the manner in which her ex-husband's release in 1990 was being compared to the second coming of Christ.

"It's very silly when people say this kind of thing about Nelson," she said. "How can a man who has committed adultery and left his wife and children be Christ? The world worships Nelson too much. He is only a man."

David James Smith 2010. Extracted from Young Mandela by David James Smith published by Weidenfeld at R195. Available from bookshops nationwide this week.

This article was originally published on page 21 of The Sunday Tribune on June 13, 2010



'Nelson Mandela had illegitimate daughter', it is claimed 


Nelson Mandela, the Former South African president, may have fathered an illegitimate daughter following a brief affair with a woman he met in Cape Town, in 1945, his foundation has admitted. 

Aislinn Laing in Johannesburg, Telegraph.UK
Published: 9:22PM BST 06 Aug 2010

Nelson Mandela and Mpho Pule Mpho Pule spent almost 12 years battling to see the man she believed was her father but died just a month before his office wrote to say that they were close to confirming her claim.

Now her children are continuing her fight to be recognised as the seventh child fathered by the former apartheid-era freedom fighter.

Verne Harris, a spokesman for the Nelson Mandela Foundation, said yesterday that Mrs Pule's claim matched the documentary record of his life, but stressed that only a DNA test would provide absolute confirmation.

"This is the point at which we hand the matter over to the family," he said.

While the allegation that the former South African president, now 92, was unfaithful while married is not new, no claim of paternity is ever known to have been confirmed.

*]
Mrs Pule, a former bakery worker and mother of six from a township near the Free State city of Bloemfontein, is said to have found out who her father was from her grandmother in 1998.

She told her that Nelson Mandela had conducted a brief affair with her mother Seipati Jane Monakali in Cape Town in 1945 by which time he had been married to his first wife, Evelyn, for a year and already had a son. Mrs Monakali died in 1992 without revealing her secret.

Mrs Pule is reported to have repeatedly contacted the foundation in the hope of meeting her father.

Her calls and letters went unanswered until last October, when the foundation wrote to say it had "verified" the information she had sent them and asking her to contact them. Unfortunately, Mrs Pule had died of a stroke a month earlier.

Her family are now waiting to hear from Mr Mandela's daughter Zindzi, who is said to be handling the claim. No one from Mr Mandela's family could be reached for comment yesterday.

» » » » [Telegraph.UK]

'I am Madiba's lost daughter'


Jackie Mapiloko, Amabhungane
Aug 06 2010

Mpho Pule was a grandmother in her fifties when she was told that Nelson Mandela was her father. She spent the next 12 years trying to meet him.
Dear Tata, Please kindly be advised that this is not an easy letter for me to write. However, pardon my request as it touches on a very long-outstanding sensitive and confidential matter. My request therefore it is to kindly request you to let me meet you, as I believe you are my father and I am your daughter.

These were the last words written by 63-year-old Mpho Pule in August 2009 in an emotional letter to Nelson Mandela, a man she believed was her father. In September, a month after she wrote the letter, Pule died from a stroke in her home in Bloemfontein.

A former bakery worker, who was a mother to six children and grandmother to 12, Pule never got to read the letter from the Nelson Mandela Foundation sent in October 2009 saying that "all the information provided by you has been verified".

Pule, who bore a striking resemblance to the former president, began trying to meet Mandela in 1998 after being told of her father's identity by her grandmother. Her own mother, Seipati Monakali, had died with the secret years earlier.

Pule made many phone calls to the foundation over the years -- in vain. Finally she enlisted the help of a family friend, Martin McKenzie, a primary school teacher from her community of Bochabela in Bloemfontein, to act as an intermediary. McKenzie has sent 13 letters since 2005, which the foundation and Mandela family initially received with suspicion -- they believed he was interfering in a sensitive family matter that should be dealt with by the two families involved.

At the end of each letter from the foundation, McKenzie was reminded not to contact the media.

But after Pule's death and a meeting with her children, who felt they owed it to their mother to try to meet Mandela, McKenzie decided to go public. Last week he told the Mail & Guardian that he never doubted the sensitivity of this matter, which is why he followed every instruction from the foundation, the Mandela family and Pule's family to keep her secret under wraps.

His biggest fear, he said, along with that of the Pule family, was how the news would affect the ageing former statesman. Before handing me the documents that would show the trail of letters that flowed for years, McKenzie hesitated a moment. He sat me down in his mother's small kitchen in Soweto, placed his hands on my head and said a prayer.

"Heavenly Father, I'm putting all my trust in this young woman and I pray that you give her the strength to tell this story the way Mme Mpho would have wanted it to be told. Amen."


Seeking Mandela

It was in 1998 that Pule learned the identity of her father from her now 85-year-old grandmother, Winfred Monakali, a former law firm secretary, who lives in Bloemfontein. The letters in possession of the M&G tell the story of Pule's mother, Seipati Monakali, who met Mandela in Cape Town in 1945, where they had a brief affair.

Three months after Pule's birth, Monakali moved to Bloemfontein, where she married David Itholeng and had three more child­ren. She died in 1992 without telling Pule about her father.

After her initial approach to the foundation failed in 1998 Pule visited the local municipal offices to get a schedule of events Mandela would be attending in Bloemfontein. She planned to introduce herself and make arrangements for a meeting.

During one of his visits to a Medi-Clinic in Bloemfontein, Pule scrambled through his security and past the throngs of reporters and photographers to get a glimpse of him.

A picture obtained by the M&G shows a disappointed Pule being blocked by one of Mandela's security personnel as he gets into a car. She asked for a copy of the picture from one of the media photographers.

McKenzie continued to write to the foundation on Pule's behalf. He said he eventually received a call from Verne Harris, the project manager for the Centre of Memory at the foundation, in August last year telling him that an investigation had been instituted and that they needed Pule to write them a letter giving a brief account of her background.

Pule then told her story in her own words, sending off her letter in August last year.

After that, McKenzie said Harris told him telephonically that the Mandela family had been informed about the matter. But it was too late for Pule -- a written response from the foundation arrived a month after her death. In the letter, dated October 6 2009, Sello Hatang, communications manager at the foundation, confirmed that an internal investigation had authenticated the documentary record supplied by Pule and confirmed that it matched the biographical and historical record of Mandela's life.

Hatang wrote: "We have regarded the matter as one of great importance, and consequently appointed a senior staff member [Mr Harris] to deal with it. He has kept in touch with you throughout, has ensured that all the information provided by you has been verified and has liaised closely with Mr Mandela's family."


In her own words

In Pule's four-page letter she describes growing up without ­knowing who her father was.

"In all my born days, I have never known as to who is my father as my mother, Seipati Jane Monakali, never wanted to share this information with me. As I believe that she was trying to protect me.

"As a matter of fact, my other grandmother namely Miss Winfred Nosipho Monakali, has always known about who is my father. Where upon in 1998 after I have personally confronted her as to who is my father. In response, quite verbatimly, she said to me ‘your father is Nelson Mandela'."

She gives a detailed background about her childhood and the stories she was told about her father.

"I remember that when I was still young you used to write my grandmother some letters, notifying us as to when will you pay us a visit. And you also used to send some money through one of the old founder members of the ANC.

"All this time when these things were happening, I was told that it was my father who was doing all these things. But all along I was not aware at all that it was you."

In conclusion she wrote: "I tried in vain to request a meeting with you by writing letters to your offices. For some reason, as it appears these letters have never reached you. All this considered, it is almost 12 years since I have been waiting with the hope that one day, as they say once in a blue moon, I will have a lifetime opportunity of meeting my honorable father, in our lifetime."


A humble request

When McKenzie told the foundation about Pule's death and requested a meeting with Mandela and his grandchildren, Hatang referred him to the Mandela family instead.

"I hereby request that one of the senior uncles in the family, as is tradition, contact Ms Zindzi Mandela in order to secure a meeting and find finality to this matter," wrote Hatang.

In a letter dated December 30 2009 to Zindzi, McKenzie pleaded: "We kindly wish to submit a humble request for a meeting between the two families.

"We trust that you are somehow informed about the nature of this matter, as the verification process of the submitted information is successfully completed by the foundation."

Three months later Zindzi responded, confirming that she had been told about the outcome of the investigation.

"As Mr Sello Hatang of the NM Foundation has previously advised you, it is our custom that the affected families communicate directly and not through an intermediary.

"Would you therefore kindly ask the relevant members of the Pule family to contact us? We will no longer be dealing with this matter through you.

"We trust that you shall not forward this email or any further communication to the media," she wrote.

This was the last communication from the Mandela family and two letters since, written by Pule's eldest daughter Goitshasiwang Segopa to Zindzi in April this year, have gone unanswered.


The response

Verne Harris of the Nelson Mandela Foundation told the M&G that the foundation handles an enormous volume of letters on behalf of the family, including occasional claims of paternity.

In almost all instances, he explained, these claims are without merit. "It's our job to protect the family by filtering these claims and ensuring that only those which reach a certain standard of plausibility are taken further."

This process, Harris said, involves a basic test of whether the claim matches the historical record -- "for example, was Madiba in prison at the time the child was allegedly conceived ... that is the first hoop they have to get through". The second, he said, is verification of the documentary record. "In this case, unlike nine times out of 10, both hoops were cleared, and this is the point at which we hand the matter over to the family." Harris said that this did not constitute absolute proof that Pule was Mandela’s daughter in the way that a DNA test would.

He confirmed that the information was passed on to Zindzi Mandela and that she had started the process of getting in touch with the Pule family.

Attempts to contact Zindzi directly were unsuccessful. However, she told the M&G through the foundation's communication manager, Sello Hatang, that the family was still mourning the death of Zenani Mandela and that she would assign an elder from the family to respond, but could not say when that might happen. No statement had been received by the M&G's print deadline. Other family members referred us to Zindzi and further attempts to contact her before going to print were also unsuccessful.


'I'm Madiba's love child'


Solly Maphumulo, IOL
August 13 2010 at 06:42AM


A second woman who claims to be Nelson Mandela's love child has come forward.

Onicca Nyembezi Mothoa, 63, of Soshanguve north of Pretoria says all her attempts to meet the man she believes is her father have been in vain.

In an exclusive interview on Thursday, Mothoa, too, claimed she was the iconic leader's child.

Last week, it was reported that Mpho Pule, born in 1945, had spent almost 12 years battling to see the man she believed was her father. She reportedly died last year, a month before Mandela's office wrote to say that they were close to confirming her claim.

As in Pule's case, the physical resemblance between Mandela and Mothoa is remarkable.

Mothoa was born in Atteridgeville in 1947 to Sophie Majeni, at a time that Mandela's political activism was peaking.

She says Madiba and Majeni met while her mother was working as a domestic worker in Pretoria.

But she says her struggle to meet the man she believes is her father has been a bitter one.

Mothoa made two trips to Qunu last year. She went back last April during Madiba's grandson Nkosi Zwelivelile Mandela's traditional wedding to French-speaking teenager Anais Grimaud. The wedding was at the Mvezo Great Place in Mthatha.

Mothoa is now saving money for a second trip later this year.

"Tata is my father, I know he will remember me. Last year, when I went to Qunu, he remembered my mother's name. The bodyguard told me he said it's Sophie, the beautiful 'bush lady'. The bodyguards still refused to let me in."

An induna (village headman), Mbamatshe Majola, confirmed Mothoa had been to Qunu several times. "She told me she is Mandela's daughter, I believed her," he said. "The minute I laid eyes on her, I knew she is a Mandela. It was like I am looking at Tat'omkhulu (Mandela)."

Majola said he had offered Mothoa accommodation and introduced her to Napilisi Mandela, the president's younger half-brother.

Meanwhile, Majeni and Mandela's secret liaison encountered problems immediately Mothoa came into the picture. When Majeni's parents realised their daughter had a child by the firebrand politician, they forced her to go into hiding.

This week, Mothoa's uncle, Zondo Mahlangu, was uncomfortable at first about speaking.

"This is a very difficult thing to talk about. That's why it was a secret for so many years. We knew Mandela was her father," he said.

Her family was paralysed by fear at the thought of being associated with Mandela, who had become a thorn in the side of the white-led regime. In the end, Majeni lost contact with Mandela.

Mothoa said photographs of Mandela her aunt had kept for decades were destroyed in 1976.

"Mandela was at the time like a curse word to all boers.

I did not know anything or have a clue then," she said.

When she turned to her mother for answers to problems she encountered at every stage of her life, Majeni would plead ignorance and tell her daughter just to get on with things.

The hardship continued later when she arrived in Pretoria in search of work.

"I used to cry because I did not know why people hated me so much," she remembers.

"Everywhere I went I was maltreated and fired. I had a stigma. Even black people did not want to be associated with me."

In 1968, when she turned 21, there was a hint of why she had become an outcast. "A white man pointed a finger at me and said, 'This is Mandela's child'.

"It was the first time I had heard (this)."

Shortly after that, her stepfather, Levy Mothoa, who had raised her as his own, explained to her that she was Madiba's daughter.

Her mother still refused to talk about it.

Mothoa says when she was preparing for exams, people always thought she was studying political tracts.

Eventually, she moved to Cape Town, but it was as if she had taken Pretoria to Cape Town with her.

"I was ill treated by all my employers... They provoked me all the time. They knew I was stubborn and they wanted me to get into a fight so I could get arrested."

Her mother died in 2003 still refusing to discuss her paternity with her.

"She was very secretive. She refused to discuss it with me.

"But I heard she was hurt when they had to part ways in order to protect me and her."

Since her mother's death, Mothoa has gone to the Nelson Mandela Foundation and Mandela's Houghton home in search of answers and to meet and, perhaps, speak to Madiba.

At the Nelson Mandela Foundation, she couldn't get beyond the security gates, she says.

A woman came and spoke to her. "She would not let me see him. She said I should leave the old man alone, he needed to rest."

Despite all this, she won't give up. "I won't give up till he dies. I have never given up," she said.

The Nelson Mandela Foundation has been sent emails and SMSes since Wednesday. Spokesman Sello Hatang said on Thursday he needed an extra day to respond.

This article was originally published on page 1 of Pretoria News on August 13, 2010

» » » » [IOL]

"Phiri!" complained one wide-eyed sergeant major to me on some occasion. "Alfred Kula is into dog-styles or else as a woman you will never get your promotion however deservedly hard you work under his command!"
NOTE THAT KULA WAS ONE OF THE MANDELASQUE-XHOSA-TRIBALISTS WHO GOADED AND EGGED ON NELSON MANDELA’S COUSIN LIEUTENANT GENERAL TEMBA TEMPLETON MATANZIMA (now Zuma-appointed Ombudsman for the Department of Defence despite all reports to Zuma pertaining to Matanzima’s own sex-objectification of women employees of the Department of Defence and Veterans’ Affairs together with other unconstitutional acts like racism on his part ) to work hand in glove with both Zuma and his Mandelasque-Xhosa-speaking-Tail-Wagging-The-Dog-Lindiwe-Nonceba-Sisulu who defied Gauteng North’s Honourable Judge George Webster who had rejected an Anton Piller against Phiri’s House and Office.  Mlandeli's Kula and fellow-Mandelasque-Eastern-Cape super-tribe black racists dominating the SANDF per Mandela/Zuma designs, DID COME TO MY RESIDENCE ARMED TO THE TEETH FOR MY COMPUTERS BLOWING THE WHISTLE ON SOUTH AFRICA’S NEW APARTHEID PER NELSON MANDELA AUTHORSHIP.  They went to my office too and swept it clean of both computer and DVD they could lay their hands on (a total of about 50 items inclusive of a personal laptop).

ALL OF THIS WAS PART AND PARCEL OF THE CONTRIBUTION OF ONE ALFRED MLANDELI KULA WHOSE HANDS ARE SEEMINGLY DRIPPING FROM THE BLOOD HE HELPED SPILL IN CISKEI BEFORE THE DEMISE OF APARTHEID FOR WHICH CRIMES HE WAS APPARENTLY LEFT OFF THE HOOK BY ARCH-BISHOP EMERITUS TUTU AND HIS TRC  of course in order to repeat in a democratic South Africa side-by-side with the Zuma’s in order to give semi-deity status to Nelson Mandela’s Xhosa-speaking Thembu Tribalism of the Eastern Cape and the source of all state failures in post-apartheid South Africa!



ANOTHER REPORTAGE OF NOTE REGARDING KULA’S ALLEGED APARTHEID-ERA ATROCITIES THAT ARCH-BISHOP TUTU INEXPLICABLY REFUSED TO VERIFY ARE TO BE FOUND ON THE FOLLOWING SOURCE (IF YOU CLICK RIGHT HERE) THAT SHOULD BE CONTAINING THE FOLLOWING LITERARY REFLECTION AMONG OTHERS:


GUZANA AND SEBE WIDOWS ASK FOR NEW PROBE
Issued by: East Cape News Agencies (Ecna)

KING WILLIAM'S TOWN (Ecna Tuesday 13 May 1997) - Nomzi Vivie
Guzana broke down almost as soon as she started giving evidence to
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission today.

Guzana soon recovered to tell the small gathering how a coup plot against former Ciskei ruler Oupa Gqozo had been pinned on her husband, Colonel Onward Guzana, and led to his ambush and murder with Charles Sebe, ex-Ciskei security boss and brother of Gqozo's
predecessor Lennox Sebe.

Starting the second day of hearings in King William's Town today, Guzana traced the start of allegations against her husband to shortly before Easter 1990.

He had met with Gqozo to say that people who had been detained
after Gqozo's coup against the Lennox Sebe government should be
charged or released.

The next morning telephone lines to their home were cut and the
family could not leave. Soon after, soldiers came to the house and
told Guzana he should resign or be arrested.

Initially he chose arrest but after being told that "no-one
knew what would happen to him" if he was arrested, he chose to
resign.


He was later twice detained without trial. Guzana said a letter she had written to the South African government about her husbands' detentions was later use as a reason for her dismissal from a teaching post.

She said Guzana was later approached to be part of a coup
attempt against Gqozo.

In her statement she said the coup attempt was allegedly
planned from within the CDF by Anton Nieuwoudt.

She told the commission that Nieuwoudt's agent Mlandeli Kula
told Guzana about the coup and said it would only happen if Guzana
agreed to head the country after the coup.

She said rumours of Guzana's links with the coup were
strengthened in 1991 when SABC television broadcast a 1987 clip of
her husband talking about friendship between the Transkei and
Ciskei.

The use of the old footage made it seem that Guzana was talking
about his own links with then Transkei ruler Bantu Holomisa in the
planned coup.

She said a Radio CKI journalist, Lungisa Makhongolo, later told
a court that he had forged Guzana's signature on a statement
announcing the coup.

This was also used by Gqozo as reason to have him killed.

She said an inquest into the deaths of Guzana and Sebe showed
that Ciskeian soldiers had wanted to kill Sebe and Guzana because
they were believed to be enemies of Gqozo.

She said a Judge Claasens had found that only one soldier,
called Xotyeni, had been a reliable witness in describing what had
happened on the night of January 28 1991 when the men died.

Xotyeni had said at the inquest that a man called a Ralo, a
former bodyguard of Guzana, had lured the two men into a roadblock
on the Stutterheim to King William's Town road and told soldiers to
open fire on their car.

When the car reversed and sped away, Ralo and Xotyeni followed.

Xotyeni said Ralo had left the car, while he himself had left  he scene because he was "scared of watching someone be killed".

A few days after giving evidence to the inquest, Xotyeni himself was dead, apparently in a car crash on his military base.

Guzana said: "I find the decision of the judge unacceptable because he said Xotyeni was the only reliable witness but said if my husband was shot at a road block, he couldn't find that his death had been a crime."

She asked the commission to investigate why a Dr Trollip, who had admitted he was not trained to do post-mortems, was allowed to "dissect my husband from throat down".


"What he was looking for, I don't know."


She said Dr Trollip had confused exit wounds with entrance wounds and had not noticed the two fatal wounds on Guzana's head that were later pointed out by a family pathologist.


She said the report of the family pathologist suggested Guzana
had been shot while he was kneeling.


She said some of her husband's property - including an expensive watch and some money - had never been returned to her.

Guzana asked for State support for her family and for an
investigation into who had killed her husband and why.

Nomafakathi Sebe, widow of Charles Sebe who was killed with
Guzana, said her testimony was similar to that of Mrs Guzana.

The only difference was that Sebe had not died in the hail of
bullets that killed Guzana, but had died some hours later.

She said that when Gqozo had heard that Sebe had escaped the
attack, he had given orders to "seek and destroy" him.

She said that although her children were now adults, she still
had to support herself and had sold most of her belongings to pay
for food, medical treatment and clothes.

She asked for State support. - Ecna


@ PTA-RACIAL








AND IF YOU HAVE BY ANY CHANCE DEVELOPED ANY APPETITE ALREADY ABOUT ARCH-BISHOP DESMOND TUTU’S SHODDY (IF PRO-MANDELASQUE-XHOSA-RACIST-TRIBAL BIAS PRO-EASTERN-CAPE OVER MR KULA, CLICK HERE TO REACH THE WEBSITE) WHICH IS MOST LIKELY CONTAININGTHE FOLLOWING:

TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION 
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

SUBMISSIONS - QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
DATE: 13-05-1997
NAME: NOMZI V. GUZANA
NOMAFAKATHI SEBE
CASE: KING WILLIAM'S TOWN
DAY 2

___________________________________
CHAIRMAN: We thank Revd Ngacha. Thank you for opening for us in prayer. As we are about to listen to the Border Region witnesses. Ms Maya will give us today's order.
INTERPRETER: The speaker's mike is not on.
MS MAYA: Honourable Presiding Commissioner, I present to you this morning a list of all witnesses who have applied to appear before the Human Rights Violations Committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee in the order in which they will appear.
MS MAYA:We are covering today four magisterial districts which are King William's Town, Stutterheim, Dimbaza and Peelton.
MS MAYA:I will first read out the name of the witness who will be testifying, then the name of the victim, then the nature of the violation, the area in which in occurred or the area from which the people come and the year during which the violation occurred.

MS MAYA:First on our list we have Nomzi Vivie Guzana, about Onward Guzana, murdered in King William's Town in 1991

 Nomafakathi Sebe, about Charles Sebe, murdered in King William's Town in 1991.

 Lizo Nabo, about himself, severe ill-treatment in King William's Town in 1991;

 Thyline Nene, about Steven Nene, tortured in King William's Town in 1990;
Nonkululeko Gladys Madikane, about Carrington Mcoseleli Madikane, murdered in King William's Town in 1992;

 Notakumani Lena Nana, about Desmond Nana, murdered in Stutterheim in 1986; Mvuzo Bazi, about himself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1985;

 Neliswa Nonhunha Dyantyi Busika about herself and her daughter, severe ill-treatment in Stutterheim in 1985 up to 1986;

 Nodida Jane Zamkana, about herself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1986;

 Khayalethu Hela, about himself, attempted murder in Stutterheim in 1985;

 Koko Godana about Joseph Mzingaye Godana, murdered in Stutterheim in 1986;

 Nobendiba Nolifisi Xhalisile, about herself, severe ill-treatment in Stutterheim in 1985;

 Wonke Wthiel Maqubela, about himself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1985;

 Vuyani Tweni, about himself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1986;

 Wayliese Peter, about himself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1986;

 Mzwabantu Ngxokela, about himself, tortured in Stutterheim in 1987;

 Mateyisi Ndondo, about Mbulelo Ndondo, murdered in Stutterheim in 1985;

 Mthunzi Wellington Tyakume, about Dumalisile Sydney Tyakume, murdered in Dimbaza in 1977;

  Boyce Mtyobile, about himself, severe ill-treatment in Peelton, 1990 up to 1992;

 Meyile Malcomeso Siwayi, about himself, severe ill-treatment in Peelton in 1991;

 Stanley Rhojz about himself, severe ill-treatment in King William's Town in 1992. That is our list, Mr Chairman.



CHAIRMAN: Thank you. We are going to give reverence to those who passed away. Won't we all please get up for a moment of silence.

CHAIRMAN: We remember today Onward Guzana, Charles Sebe, Carrington Mcoseleli Madikane, Desmond Nana, Joseph Mzingaye Gadana, Mbulelo Ndondo, Dumalisile Sydney Tyakume. May they rest in peace Lord, and please give them eternal life, Amen.
CHAIRMAN: We requested that Mr Ngonyama give us a brief political comment, however, he is not here yet, so we are going to carry on with our witnesses. Can Nomzi Vivie Guzana and Nomafakathi Sebe come forward please.
CHAIRMAN: Mrs Guzana and Mrs Sebe, we welcome you here today before the Commission. We are going to request that Revd Xundu swear you in.
NOMZI VIVIE GUZANA: (sworn states)
NOMAFAKATHI SEBE: (sworn states)
REVD XUNDU: Mr Chairperson, they have been properly sworn in.
CHAIRMAN: Thank you. Ntsiki Sandi will lead evidence on behalf of the Commission.
ADV SANDI: Thank you Mr Chairperson. Mrs Guzana and Mrs sebe, as I look at your statements before us, you are going to speak on behalf of your husbands whose names were already mentioned.
ADV SANDI:They were murdered in January 1991. This happened between Stutterheim and King William's Town. Is that so, Ma'am?
ADV SANDI:You agreed that it is Mrs Guzana who will give most of the evidence, is that so?
MRS GUZANA: Yes.
ADV SANDI: Mrs Guzana, before you start, you said that you asked for extra minutes, because your evidence is quite long. Where are you going to start, are you going to start when these gentlemen were in the Transkei before they came here or are you going to start before they went to Transkei?
MRS GUZANA: I am going to start from the time before they went to Transkei.
ADV SANDI: Mrs Guzana, can we proceed then?
MRS GUZANA: I would like first to express my gratitude to the Commission as a whole for allowing us this opportunity to speak for the first time because in the beginning things were said about my husband and Mr Sebe and we could not contest them, we were never given the opportunity, so our being allowed to be here has restored our status as citizens of this country.
I am going to start in 1990, the last Thursday before the Easter Weekend, when my husband was called to the official residence of Brigadier Gqozo.
MRS GUZANA: I don't know what they discussed, but in the evening, actually at night, that Thursday, his bodyguards came to the house that we were occupying to take away his arms, saying they were afraid that he may kill himself.
MRS GUZANA: Then I said they would rather give another reason because my husband had never been suicidal. When he came back, he told me of a quarrel between them, a disagreement because he was - he had suggested that the people who had been detained on the day of the coup, should be charged or released.
MRS GUZANA: And they disagreed over that. Then when we woke up the following morning, our telephone line had been cut. We were not allowed to go out of the gate. At about ten that Friday, Good Friday morning, Brigadier Gqozo's bodyguard and the Commander General of the Police Force arrived at our house. They had brought a resignation form which my husband had either to sign or to accept being arrested.
MRS GUZANA: He chose to be arrested and they took him away. Thirty minutes later, they brought him back, he said he had been taken to the parliamentary buildings but before they could get in, they stopped outside and explained to him that if he chose a resignation, at least he would have the opportunity of planning his life.
But ...







ADV SANDI: Before I disturb you, did they give reasons for having arrested him?
MRS GUZANA: They were arresting him because he was refusing to resign. Then if he chose the resignation, he would have the opportunity of planning his life, but if he went inside the parliamentary buildings, nobody knew what would happen to him and so they pleaded with him that he should resign and so he resigned.
MRS GUZANA: When they brought him back to the house, they said they were giving us one hour to vacate the house. We stayed at my sister's place in Pagamisa then two weeks later, at night on a Friday, we heard footsteps around the house. It was quiet for a moment and then after that, two soldiers knocked at the door. When a child opened the door, a firearm was pointed at her and she had to run behind the chairs.
MRS GUZANA: The soldier in front moved his pistol around the chairs and when he located my husband, he cocked his pistol. When he asked what was happening, they instructed him to go out with them. Then we realised that the house had been surrounded by soldiers.
MRS GUZANA: I heard them shouting that he should lay on his stomach in a 4 x 4 that was standing outside. They took him away, he was detained for about four weeks and was released without being charged and without any restrictions.
MRS GUZANA: After that he was detained again towards the end of July, during the June school holidays. When they detained him for the second time, I wrote a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, P.W. Botha, I took the letter with my lawyer to the Embassy. The Embassy supported my letter and they made arrangements that with my lawyer, we would fly to Pretoria, they had arranged a meeting with P.W. Botha.
MRS GUZANA: They were supporting my letter because they said they had been informed by the family of one member of the Defence Force who was also in detention, who had been in detention, that the Ciskei Defence Force was training people near Zilene to be hitmen.
MRS GUZANA: Because the contents of my letter was that I feared that my husband would be killed. But before we could go to Pretoria, they told me that a retired member of the South African Defence Force was an advisor to Brigadier Gqozo and he always came here on Thursdays, so they would fax the letter to him, so that when he came on Thursday, he would address this with Brigadier Gqozo.
MRS GUZANA: I never heard again from them. The only time I heard from them, was on the first day when the schools reopened in July. When a man was sent to my school with two letters. One to my principal and one to myself. I was being discharged from my services as a teacher.
And the man had been instructed that he shouldn't leave the premises before I left. So I had to drive and recollect myself outside the gates and he waited patiently.
MRS GUZANA: The letter that discharged me, was accompanied by a copy of the letter that I had written to P.W. Botha. He never responded to me, the only response I got was from the Military Council discharging me on the basis of the letter I had written to him.
MRS GUZANA: If I go back to the first detention, when I challenged that detention, because as a senior member of the Defence Force, he was supposed to be arrested by Senior members of the Police Force, two Senior members of the Security Police signed statements that they had made the arrests, and I couldn't have mistaken them, because one of them was our neighbour in Bisho, but they signed letters that they had arrested him and so I lost the case.
MRS GUZANA: At the end of the three months of the second detention, he was charged with high treason with his brother who was also a member of the Defence Force. I had a problem, I had to pay R5 000-00 for his bail. The money was ready but nobody was prepared to accept it, so after being charged, he had to remain in prison for three days because at the Magistrate's office in Bisho they didn't want to take the money, they sent me to the prison in Mdantsane and again there nobody wanted to take the money.
MRS GUZANA: It took one prison warder who travelled with us to Zwelitsha and told them that they had to accept the money and he was released. He had to report to the police station every Friday.
MRS GUZANA: Then on the last Friday before he was going to appear the next Monday, not on Friday, but the last week before he was going to appear the following week, soldiers started looking for him. He went to stay with his brother in Pedi.

MRS GUZANA: On a Wednesday of that week, I went to him with a packed suitcase and some money and told him to leave the country because the soldiers were searching for him everywhere. He came with us to King William's Town, we got the contact person who was going to take him out of the country but 30 minutes later, they returned and he said he wanted to go to court because that is where he would defend himself.
MRS GUZANA: But again the soldiers looked for him and on that Friday when he had to report to the police station, he didn't go because there was a police vehicle that was standing outside the police station, waiting for him because when his brother went to report, they said they were not waiting for the Guzana.
MRS GUZANA: So again on that Friday his brother was approached by members of the Defence Force who asked him to sign a document according to which, if he testified against his brother the following Monday, he would get his salary for all the months that he was out of work and he would get a promotion, and he signed that document and when I told my husband about that, he decided to leave.

MRS GUZANA: So we left for the Transkei. Two weeks after being in Transkei Howza gave a statement on TV confessing on his plans with my husband to overthrow Brigadier Gqozo and he said they would get assistance from General Holomisa who was a friend of my husband.
MRS GUZANA: What was strange in that was that the SABC had released a video cassette speaking in Transkei in 1987, where they had gone to play against the Transkei Defence Force as a token of friendship after the military council had come to power in the Transkei, but the context of that speech which was friendship, was used in 1990 to support Howza's statement that my husband was a friend of Holomisa and so together they would overthrow Brigadier Gqozo.
MRS GUZANA: I couldn't understand the SABC. Then my husband met with Mr Sebe before Christmas when he came to fetch me and Nomafakathi to go to Durban for the December holidays. When they came back in January, the second week of January, they arrived during the week, I think it was on a Thursday, then on Sunday there were visitors, it was Mlandeli Kula, whom we thought was an ex-member of the Defence Force with a Mr Nohashe who was a mayor of Fort Beaufort and a Mr Nazo also from Fort Beaufort.

MRS GUZANA: I don't know what they discussed but from my husband, they had - Kula had been sent by the soldiers to say they wanted to stage a coup but they would only do that if my husband would agree to be Chairman after the coup.

MRS GUZANA: This was followed by other meetings and in this meeting Mr Nohashe was there according to my husband, because he was the man who was accommodating Kula because he was not staying at home, he was afraid of the soldiers and he was supporting his family.

MRS GUZANA: I had to go back to Stutterheim where I was teaching. When I came back on the Friday of the 25th, January 1991, my husband had gone to Ezibeleni with Mr Sebe and they were already driving the Jetta that had been hired by Mr Nohashe.

MRS GUZANA: Then he said they were going to come to Ciskei the following day, on a Saturday. That Saturday morning Kula phoned at 10 am to confirm that they were coming and to say it was raining so they should be warmly dressed.

MRS GUZANA: They left at about six in the evening, then it was in the morning at about ten that we heard from the radio that there had been a failed coup attempt in Ciskei. Immediately I told myself that if what they had gone for, had failed, then he was arrested and he would take it as a man.

MRS GUZANA: As a result when Titi Matanzima came to tell us that my husband had been killed, I didn't hear him, because I knew that he had come to tell us that he had been arrested and if he had been arrested, then he is going to take it as a man.
MRS GUZANA: It took him, he had to say it for the second time for me to understand that he was saying he had been killed. And the inquest followed. For me to come to Ciskei, the members of my family had to negotiate with Gqozo for three days to allow me to come to Ciskei. When I arrived, we went to identify his body at the police mortuary in Mdantsane. When we arrived there, the place was full of school kids wearing navy blue tunics.

MRS GUZANA: And they were being shown Mr Sebe's body. I didn't see his body but I gathered from what they were saying that his face was disfigured and he was darker than they knew him. And my sister and myself told the police that that was our person that they were showing to the school kids and the children were taken away, driven out of the yard.
MRS GUZANA: We called the Sebe's to inform them about that. At the inquest the soldiers testified that their plan had been planned by Ciskei soldiers because they wanted to kill my husband and Mr Sebe because they believed they were enemies of Brigadier Gqozo.
MRS GUZANA: My husband was supposed to be picked up by a Mr Mguzulwa who was a member of the Defence Force in Stutterheim. They would only pick him up if everything had gone well.
MRS GUZANA: Then one evidence by a Rifleman Xotyeni unfortunately for him, he was the only one who said something that was different from the other soldiers, because according to his testimony he had seen Sergeant Ralo and Mguzulwa driving from Stutterheim reporting to the soldiers that the Jetta was not at the spot where they were going to meet, drove towards King William's Town and they later drove again towards Stutterheim.
MRS GUZANA: Then he said in the early hours of Sunday the 28th, he was awoken by some noise made by the soldiers and he noticed there and then that the bakkie driven by Ralo, was driving down the (indistinct) from Stutterheim with a flashing blue light on top.
MRS GUZANA: And again what was strange, he said the soldiers who were manning the roadblock were not standing on the road surface, but they were laying in trenches along the sides of the road. Then when the bakkie approached, he noticed that he was followed by this red Jetta.

When they arrived at the roadblock, they stopped there, Ralo and Mguzulwa got out of their car, crossed the road towards Rifleman Xotyeni who was in a buffel.
MRS GUZANA: Once they had crossed the road, they started shooting at the red car. The Jetta reversed and when through the roadblock, safely enough not to hit the bakkie that was in front. It drove for 50 kilometres from the roadblock, in a zigzag and it was explained that the zigzag was a means of escaping being hit by the bullets.
Then somewhere it left the road and it went into the field. Rifleman Xotyeni said immediately Ralo ran to him and said to drive him to that car in the field. When they arrived there, Ralo got off the buffel, approached the red Jetta and he says after that he drove back to the roadblock.
When asked why he was leaving Ralo there, he said because he was scared. Why was he scared? Because he was watching somebody being killed. Who was being killed? It was Colonel Guzana. Who was killing him? I don't know.

MRS GUZANA: But who were with you in the field? It was General Ralo and Colonel Guzana. The finding of the inquest was that the Judge expressed his sorrow that Rifleman Xotyeni the only person who had given evidence that was reliable, he last gave his evidence on a Monday, by Saturday of that week he was dead.
MRS GUZANA: And he allegedly died in an accident inside the military base at (indistinct). I couldn't understand that. Well after contradicting statements, or again I find that the decision of the Judge unacceptable, because he says Xotyeni was the only person who gave a reliable evidence.
MRS GUZANA: He said the other witnesses of the Defence Force was unreliable, but in making his decisions, he said if my husband was shot at a roadblock, he couldn't find that the soldiers were committing a crime in killing him at a roadblock, but the reliable evidence says he was killed in the field.

MRS GUZANA: Then again the State employed a Dr Trollop as a pathologist, who admitted at the inquest that he never qualified, he was never trained as a pathologist, but the State allowed him to dissect my husband from the throat down. What he was looking for, I don't know.



Because although he cut his body, he never commented about a single wound on his body. His death certificate said he died of head injuries. But he never said where those head injuries were. We couldn't even demonstrate in court how one looks for head injuries in a head with hear like my husband's. He had to be shown in court.

MRS GUZANA: He identified exit wounds as entrance wounds. The two fatal wounds on top of my husband's head, he never saw them. Then we hired a family pathologist who gave a different version, that there were three fatal wounds. One was at the back in the area of the kidneys and he said if that had been the first shot, he couldn't have driven the car from the roadblock, but the fact that he drove that car meant that he was well, he had not been hit yet.
MRS GUZANA: Then the two other wounds from the top of his head, he should have died within minutes after those wounds. And for a man of his height, he couldn't have been standing when those shots were fired. And if he was inside the car, there was no telling bullet holes on the body of the car which suggested that he was in a kneeling position when he was killed.
And he said he must not have been killed on the road, he must have been killed in the field. Which corresponded with Rifleman Xotyeni's evidence.

ADV SANDI: Who was the family pathologist?
MRS GUZANA: A Doctor Wagner from the Orange Free State.
ADV SANDI: Thank you.
MRS GUZANA: Again I would like to go back to Ralo because Ralo had been my husband's bodyguard and he knew that he was trusted by my husband. When President Mandela came to the Ciskei in 1990, I asked Ralo about my husband's safety. He lifted up his jersey and showed me his waist. His belt was full of hand grenades.


And he said if Colonel was threatened in any way, I would die before him. When I told my husband that he was impressed. And so I think when Ralo was sent to Stutterheim to meet my husband, they knew that they were sending somebody whom he trusted and he denied that.
ADV SANDI: Nazo who was together with Mr Nohashe, the one who said he was a Mayor, do you know his full names?
MRS GUZANA: No, I don't know them.
ADV SANDI: We met two or three Nazo's in the statements we received. Can you please physically describe him?
MRS GUZANA: Well, he had some weight, light complexioned, what I noticed about him was his uncomfortable position, he was sweating and he complained about his high blood and he drink a lot of blood, that is what I know about him and I wouldn't know why he was involved in that. And when the others went for the meeting, he didn't join them, they said he was a civilian.


Then again my husband's position in that field, there was a video cassette that was played in the inquest, is in three positions, he is in four positions actually. One position he has got his head leaning against the right window and I couldn't understand why that window was closed because they couldn't have shot, fired at the roadblock with a window closed. It should have been opened, but it was closed.
MRS GUZANA: The next position, he is leaning against the passenger seat, the third one, he is leaning over the steering wheel, the forth one he is laying on the ground, but when he arrived at the District Surgeon, he was already naked.
MRS GUZANA: Some of his property I haven't recovered yet. He had an expensive wrist watch that had been given to him by Chinese visitors, while they were still in the military council, that has never been given back to me. The money that he had in his purse, in his wallet, was never there.


Again there was a statement - an announcement - that it was claimed he would have made at Radio Ciskei where it bore his signature and it was proved, I proved it that it was not his signature, and Maqonwolo who had been a journalist of Umtombo here in Bisho, agreed in court that he had written the statement and signed my husband's signature but that was used as a reason for his killing.

MRS GUZANA: Again in his executive case, he had a diary where he had filled in all the dates that they were supposed to have come for the coup. He had scratched several Fridays, that diary was never shown in court, instead they showed a new one for 1991, written in pencil, my husband never even used a pencil, except if they were having an intake at the Defence Force, otherwise he never used a pencil.

ADV SANDI: Before we can continue, let us hear from Mrs Sebe. Do you have children Mr Guzana?
MRS GUZANA: Yes, we do.
ADV SANDI: How old are they?
MRS GUZANA: One is 20, one is going to be 14 in June and the other one has just turned 10.
ADV SANDI: Can you please tell us how this affected your children?
MRS GUZANA: The older one, when we left for Transkei, soldiers used to come, it was the Security Police, they used to come to our house and question here in the garage. She was involved in a way because like our clothes, she had to smuggle our clothes to Transkei, taking a risk.
MRS GUZANA: Then after my husband's death, the older one could understand it, the younger one was only four, but the boy was eight and he had been very close to his father. Up to today, he never mentions his father's name. He actually pleaded with me not to come here. He pleaded with me not to come here because he doesn't like all this publicity.

ADV SANDI: Mrs Guzana, before we proceed to Mrs Sebe, do you have requests to the Commission today concerning this matter?
MRS GUZANA: Yes.
ADV SANDI: You've mentioned some of your requests in your statement. I would like you to repeat them.
MRS GUZANA: The first request because I have kids whom I have to provide with a home and other needs, I need compensation. Again I would like my son to be counselled and again because my husband - Gqozo refused to discharge him, although they had forced him to resign, they refused to discharge him as a member of the Defence Force, which means when he died, he was still a full member of the Defence Force, so I deserve everything that should be accorded to a widow of a member of the Defence Force, including the support of my children.  I demand those because they refused to discharge him.

ADV SANDI: You've made a request concerning Dr Trollop. You want to know who authorized him to perform a post-mortem on your husband, is that correct?
MRS GUZANA: Yes, I would like to know how, knowing that he was not a pathologist, how they could allow him to touch my husband's body.
ADV SANDI: You've also mentioned another request that you would like to know who killed your husband is that correct?  Thank you Mrs Guzana. If you missed out something, you will get a change when my colleagues ask you questions. Let us now go to Mrs Sebe.
Mrs Sebe, is there something that you would like to clarify or add in connection with Mrs Guzana's evidence?



MRS SEBE: Yes, although our stories are the same, there is something that I would like to add. I think it just differs. My husband managed to run away from the roadblock.
MRS SEBE:He stayed home night and day after having run away from the roadblock. He got to Dwashu the following night. People were looking for him everywhere, in helicopters and cars. Brigadier Gqozo appeared on TV being asked that as Charles Sebe had run away, what is going to happen?
MRS SEBE:Then Brigadier Gqozo said "seek and destroy" and then yet again, another difference between my testimony and Mrs Guzana's is that my husband survived the roadblock, got to Dwashu and was still well. He said he had wounds that were very painful. I think one around the ribs.  I think it was difficult for him to breathe.
ADV SANDI: Excuse me Mrs Sebe, what is this Dwashu, is it a surname or a village?
MRS SEBE: It is a surname. My husband knew about this home, because he went to school in Zileni, so he knew the schools there.
ADV SANDI: Did you meet with the Dwashu people and did they tell you what happened after he arrived there? Or did perhaps divulge anything to them?
MRS SEBE: No, not at the time. I was not there, but I did hear that Mr Dwashu said that after Charles arrived, he wanted to take him to the clinic, but Charles refused because he knew he was hiding away.  But we all don't know how he was going to leave the Dwashu home. However, Mr Dwashu realised that they had to take him to a clinic because there was nothing else he could do for him.
ADV SANDI: Was there a post-mortem performed on him?
MRS SEBE: Similar to Mrs Guzana's. Dr Trollop said he had died of gunshot wounds and head injuries. However, all this happened while I was still in Transkei and it was clear I was not going to be able to come to the Ciskei.
MRS SEBE:We were scared that something would happen to me. Somebody phoned me from the Ciskei, a family member, saying that I should remain in the Transkei and not come in the Ciskei. All this information we got in bits and pieces and we didn't know where it all comes from.

Therefore, I did not come over to the Ciskei even though my husband was in danger. It is sad that we incriminated my husband, because as a family we could not come here to the Ciskei and support him.  We decided to cremate his body and have a memorial service in Transkei. I was able to see the corps in Cambridge.
ADV SANDI: Were you able to perform a second post-mortem?
MRS SEBE: No.
ADV SANDI: How old are your children?


MRS SEBE: I have children who are quite grown up. The eldest is not married and the other was still at home. The my last born son who was at UCT, passed away.
ADV SANDI: As we are going to conclude this evidence, how did your husband's death affect your family? As he was killed like a dog, surely this must have affected you gravely?
MRS SEBE: My husband was well and alive. He never took any medication, no diabetes, no hypertension, he was well and alive, a healthy man.  His death was not through his illness. His life was cut short through murder.
ADV SANDI: These three men that Mrs Guzana mentioned, according to your statement you said that your husband told you that these men were there.
MRS SEBE: Yes, whilst we were still back in Durban on holiday, I think my husband would phone them because he had told me about them. I did not know them and I did not want to know them, because I had a fear within me.
ADV SANDI: What was he saying about these men?
MRS SEBE: He said that these men also wanted to come to Ciskei and everything would have been prepared for them for the coup.  My husband did not want to divulge all. As a policeman he did not come home and divulge everything that happened at work. Even if I had asked him or not, even if I was there with him, he was not going to divulge everything to me, because it is a norm in the Xhosa culture.
ADV SANDI: Do you have requests before the Commission? ... (tape ends)
MRS SEBE: My husband was alive, even if my children are old, grown up. I am not working. If my husband was still alive, somebody would be supporting me.  I am supporting myself and it is difficult, but God lives. And God supports me. I lost everything. I had to sell most of the things that my husband had left for me, because I have to buy food, I have to go to the Doctor when I am ill, I have to buy clothing. I have to fix up my environment, all these things cost money.
ADV SANDI: Thank you Mrs Guzana, thank you Mrs Sebe. I am going to hand over to the Chairperson. If there is anything you've left out, perhaps the Chairperson would be asking you questions.
CHAIRMAN: June Crichton?
MS CRICHTON: Mrs Guzana, there are a few things here that under normal circumstances I am sure you would have gone to an Attorney with. You were unfairly dismissed, there were statements made by a journalist that were inaccurate, the SABC made statements that were from three years previously, or showed pictures from three years previously.  So my question to you is, did you ever approach an Attorney to deal with these matters?
MRS GUZANA: I did not because when my husband was detained, it meant we are not going to get his salary and when I was discharged, my salary was given half the salary for that month and I stayed a year without my pensions, because the Act according to which I had been discharged, did not exist in the Department of Education.  And they did not know how to calculate the pensions and the lawyer that I had then, did not advise me to that effect and even after the death of my husband, the lawyer asked me to find an Advocate and I couldn't finance that. I went to the Council of Churches, that is where I was advised that even if I had money, I couldn't employ an Advocate on my own. So I think I was ill-advised.
MS CRICHTON: And then just one other question. The Judge that dealt with that case, what was his name?
MRS GUZANA: It was Judge Claassens.
MS CRICHTON: Judge Claassens? Thank you very much.
CHAIRMAN: Mrs Guzana, you say that you would like to make it clear that your deceased husband never planned a coup but was lured into a trap so that he could be killed.
Who do you think in your own mind, was responsible for the entire operation, the entire plan?
MRS GUZANA: It was Mlandeli Kula. Because he even used me to get to my husband.
CHAIRMAN: Was he working for the Ciskei Defence Force? What exactly was his job?
MRS GUZANA: He was a soldier, but he said that he had been dismissed.
CHAIRMAN: Just refresh my memory again, what was the outcome of the inquest?
MRS GUZANA: The outcome was that there was no coup planned by the deceased, the coup was planned from inside and it was simply a plan to lure them into a trap, simply to be killed.
CHAIRMAN: That is the finding of the inquest?
MRS GUZANA: Yes.
CHAIRMAN: But the Judge failed to find anybody responsible for that?
MRS GUZANA: Yes.
CHAIRMAN: Referring back to the SABC, we are going to the hearing here, the media hearing, we will be evaluating valuations, where the media partook in this matters?
MRS GUZANA: Because of the bad relationship that had been there between the Sebe's and the Matanzima's when the military government took over, it was suggested that as a token of friendship, the two forces should play some matches and so my husband as a rugby player, he went there and he spoke on behalf of the Commander of the Ciskei Defence Force.  The context of the speech was the friendship between the two countries. Then in 1990 when Howza made his confession, that footage of 1987 was used to substantiate Howza's argument that Holomisa and Guzana were friends, and it was out of context in 1990.
CHAIRMAN: And this event in 1987 happened before the coup of Ciskei took place?
MRS GUZANA: Excuse me?
CHAIRMAN: The event in 1987 when your husband went over to play rugby in Transkei and had this conversation with Holomisa, that was before the coup in Ciskei had taken place?
MRS GUZANA: In 1990?
CHAIRMAN: Yes, it was still ...
MRS GUZANA: Yes. The coup was on the 4th of March, 1990.
CHAIRMAN: Okay. Are there questions? We would like to thank you for having come before the Commission to give us this very sad testimony.  And as your son was saying that this thing should not be publicised, but should be private, we appreciate that you have come here. The deaths of your husbands is one of the mysteries that we hope the truth will be revealed.  We believe that this country to be able to have reconciliation, must know the truth. There should be no discrepancies in the history of this country.  I remember as if yesterday, the day your husbands were murdered. It marked a turning point. People realised the seriousness of the status quo in Ciskei at the time. You have raised a number of questions, and as a Commission we should get answers.  You have raised a number of atrocities as Mrs Crichton picked out the atrocities - unfair dismissal and things like that. These things we should go into as a Commission.  Please be patient, we will keep coming back to you for more information. As a Commission, we would like to reveal the truth so that one day the truth is fully revealed. Thank you very much, you may step down.




















New commander for Army Intelligence school 



Colonel Victor Tshelane has become the first black officer to command the South African National Defence Force's School of Tactical Intelligence.
Tshelane took over from acting commander Lieutenant-Colonel Marthinus Botes during a parade held in Potchefstroom on Friday.

Botes had been acting commander since 2000.
The inauguration was attended by SANDF intelligence formation chief General Mlandeli Kula, who told the Saturday Star that Tshelane had been chosen for the position beause of the leadership skills he had shown in his previous positions.

 "When we were looking around and assessing, we found that Colonel Tshelane was the most capable to occupy the position. He is a family man, caring and not selfish," Kula said. 

Tshelane's military career began in 1979, in the former Bophuthatswana Defence Force, where he completed his basic training. Since then he held various positions, before being transferred to intelligence in January 2000.



Needless to say: from that flash in the pan of fielding a non-Xhosa-sp0eake for that position, forthe next  at least two conxecutive times Kula and fellow Mandelasque-Xhosa-black-racists0-cum-tribalists currentlhy busy destroying South Africa's defence capabilities in the SANDF with their brand of good-for-nothing black racism-pro-Mandela's Eastern-Cape-Province, collaborated with his fellow-Xhosa-speakers like Mandela-cousin Temba Templeton Matanzima (at some stage Unifoirmed "Secretary for Defence") to field the said post only their fellow-Xhosa-speakers all  with Jacob Zuma's sayso or at least or tacit full support full 



Jacob Zuma apparently cares nothing about South Africa's ethnic sensitivities as any President is so enjoined to do by this country's Constituion; Zuma cares only about his security from landing into jail for adjudged corrupt activies where any on his part  (THE LEGENDARY SPY TAPES); and Zuma cares about making sure that relatives of  both  arch-founders of South Africa's modern Xhosa-speaking Thembu tribalsm-cum-Eastern-Cape-Regionalism (Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu) are ensured jobs willy-nilly in government so that they can mutually protect Zuma himself from any nefarious doing in government for which he might need to be prosecuted post-Mangaung Conference of the ANC where Zuma is, Thank God, destined to be kicked out as Party President where I prophesy a tortoise will lead the ANC henceforth should potential Zuma opponents for the party presidency get from the Kebby Phatsoanes too many cold feet to stand against a buffoon so dangerous.






After Nelson Mandela and fellow-Xhosa-speaker Thabo Mbeki, are pictured here the two other people who cemented Xhosa-speaking Alfred Mlandeli Kula so controversially left off the hook by fellow-Xhosa-speaker Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Mpilo Tutu for accounting for his alleged atrocities then an Apartheid-era operative with bloody hands in the Ciskei Bantustan.  Since integration into the SANDF by the pictured twosome (Zulu-speaking minion-to-Mandelaism-Jacob Zuma and Xhosa-speaking Lindiwe Sisulu) and their predecessors, Kula has made it his duty to join exile-era fellow-Xhosa-speakers who were and have still been persecuting Phiri for exposing their tribalism ante- and post-Apartheid. Kula has been talking lies about Phiri through and through and on every platform, all of which has led to Phiri’s current unlawful suspension by Jacob Zuma and the hardships Phiri and family in South Africa and Tanzania still going trough for 27 solid years now at the hands of Mandela’s creation of tribal superiority of pro-Mandela’s own fellow Xhosa-speakers (particularly Thembu) where Mandela comers from




Xhosa-speaking Alfred Mlandeli Kula, an SANDF general who has made it his task to persecute whistle-blowing and SiSwati-speaking ethnic Nyasa Phiri in the SANDF for over a decade now.  Women hopefuls for higher ranks complain to Phiri that ‘Kula is a dog-stylist man with a woman if the female employee is serious for her promotion under the command of a Kula who may have laid eyes on her’.  By Kula’s own public admission, on at least one stage, Kula was the first man to go see a subordinate wife to another man giving birth in hospital.  He defended himself from this austere act by saying that ‘he had gone to hospital and see his non-wife giving birth  ‘because he, as the most senior general for South Africa’s Army Intelligence, he was also a father-figure to the woman then named Lieutenant Mkhize and not because he had any sexual relationship with the woman officer’. Strangely though, Kula’s father-figure-hood applied to that one and  only one woman in parturition.  I mean,other women and wives of other men do give birth in Army Hospital but so-called Father-Figure-Kula never sets foot even a mile from the parturition hospital, certainly none of White or Coloured mothers and wives of men have seen Kula playing his clearly silly father-figure-game, if at all it is a game and not a real gamble in extra-martital sex.  Phiri has it from another source that  prior to the giving of birth by that Mkhize woman, a staff sergeant on a mission to deliver a parcel to Brigadier General Kula in a certain South African town was to be shocked by Lieutenant Mkhize emerging bare-breasted (with only a bath towel around her waist) from a hotel shower where Kula, instead of using SANDF facilities used for such purposes, had apparently gone deep into secretive town to be alone with the young woman.  As of this writing (2012 November 03), Mkhize who was a lieutenant not so many years ago, IS ALREADY A MAJOR (if not a full colonel already).  SANDF soldiers call this Kula-Mkhize affair ‘Fast-tracked promotion’; but Phiri calls it ‘Fast-tracked promotion through query-bedroom-tactics just as Nelson Mandela’s Cousin Mrs Zini-Bobelo passed through corrupt sex with Raymond Lentsoe December 2001 hence whistle-blowing Phiri got falsely charged March-09 2001’.  With due respect, and God forgive me, BOTH MKHIZE AND ZINI-BOBELO are quintessential dunces who should not have been allowed to be officers in the same place.  But of course, under Jacob Zuma, sex performance of a woman is what rules whether she becomes a senior or not, hence South Africa is busy going down the drain with the the joker called Jacob Zuma!


SANDF OMBUDSMAN TEMBA TEMPLETON MATANZMA:::Man into action goaded by fellow-tribesman Alfred Mlandeli Kula and their least-educated-Mandelasque-menial-servant-of-decades-Jacob-Zuma: Mr. Temba Templeton Matanzima.  Not surprisingly, Mandela's cousin and the Matanzima who fails to write even one grammatically-correct
paragraph in SANDF's Working Language (British English), has emerged as Jacob Zuma’s 2012-choice for Ombudsman for officers of the Republic of South Africa.  How so? You ask.

Well, Jacob Zuma has effectively thanked Temba Templeton Matanzima for the mess both of them have so far made of the South African National Defence Force, hence ‘Ombudsman of the Department of Defence Matanzima’.

And so, soldiers aggrieved must for angelic solutions go to the very devil that (over the years of Zuma’s racially-biased rule) caused them problems in the very first place!   Talk of Hobson’s choice!

I laughed the other day when an elderly white farmer friend of mine asked:

“Phiri, but why don’t you take your problem to the newly-appointed Ombudsman of South Africa’s Department of Defence and Veterans’ Affairs?”

I could have replied: But Zuma’s  2012 Ombudsman is a mere  throwback to Zuma’s mid- 1980s Tanzania-Morogoro-Mazimbu/Solomon-Mahlangu Freedom College’s ex-Eastern-Cape and Xhosa-speaking Mr. Robert Mance who (per Zuma’s orders) buried alive two Coloureds!

Mark you, it is Zuma’s  Ombudsman Mr. Temba Templeton Matanzima who gleefully executed Jacob Zuma’s illegal order March 2011 whereby heavily-armed soldiers were sent to Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s residence in Lyttelton Pretoria for the apparent purpose of of killing  me  on the pretext ‘Phiri resisted an Anton Piller  merely aimed at taking his computer and stopping him from any further blogging…

…blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s family members…

…blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s Tembu/AbaThembu tribe, and…

……blogging ‘on Zuma’s black racism and tribalism in South Africa’s Army in favour of Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers of the Eastern Cape Province, and a province recently turned into a basket-case due to corruption by Zuma’s appointees covered-up by self-same black racism pro-Mandela’s people that Zuma is now spreading for the rest of the Republic starting with the country’s backbone which is the Department of Defence. With every single day greeting South Africa with a Zuma at the helm, the writing is “Republic of South Africa heading for the gutters”.

But to return to the Phiri victimization, the salt of the injury lies here: that Anton Piller application against longsuffering Phiri had been duly and lawfully requested (from Gauteng-North-Division of the High Court of South Africa) by Zuma and his favourite minister (a woman I dare not mention by name seeing that there is a Judge-Webster order that instructs I must not talk about her any more).

The point here is :  Zuma and his favourite female Minister  so unnameable  were plainly refused an Anton Piller by Honourable Judge Webster; but maybe their ‘friend’ in that  court [a one Mr. Bernard Ngoepe who is not only President of the Division but seemingly confuses ‘his administrative responsibility over his own judges’ with ‘dependence of those judges’ decisions on Ngoepe’s administrative whims’] secretly advised Zuma in the following manner:

‘You Zuma are  still within your rights to do the Anton Piller via the SANDF rather than via the expected and normal South African Police Services (SAPS) in such operations which would have been the case if my otherwise stupid Judge Webster had not denied you the go-ahead for the applied-for Anton Piller against Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri.  And I, Bernard Ngoepe who knows the Army like the back of my hand since I review all their cases and will review Phiri’s tell you now: “DO AN ANTON PILLER AGAINST PHIRI VIA THE SANDF AND FORGET ABOUT JUDGE GEORGE WEBSTER’S STUPID ORDER TO THE CONTRARY”’.

Everything boils down to very one thing: Zuma and his new Department of Defence Ombudsman Matanzima come not as the greatest respecters  of the rule of law in South Africa and with every  single day these characters are allowed to rule over us, South Africa is becoming a nightmare for her own citizens.

I mean: the official version of the Gauteng North Division of South Africa’s High Court (part and parcel of the country’s supreme court junior only to the Constitutional court currently headed by Chief Justice  Mogoeng Mogoeng) was: ‘NO ANTON PILLER AGAINST LIEUTENANT COLONEL GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI.’

So (except for individuals like Zuma and Mandela who want to over-night turn their family members into super-administrators, ombudsmen, brigadier-generals-via-the-bedroom and multi-millionaires where none of those qualifications deserved) what true democrat.. what true child.. and what true member of an ANC and ruling party formed by our ancestors like Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme and Swazi Queen Mother Labotsibeni 100 years ago for the purpose of combating these kinds of discriminatory activities by powerful people like Zuma can allow the contempt poured by this Zuma on Honourable Judge George Webster order that [there should be no Anton Piller against Phiri]?

I write here with the admission that cynics who read this may ask the question:

“Phiri, you are a soldier, and as such what did you expect less than a raid of your residence for your computer if you dared blog about South Africa’s military?”

My answer may be lengthy, but still very simple.  And it is this. Like anybody else, soldiers like Phiri are human beings too! Soldiers remain needful of constitutional protection and soldiers are in fact (to unschooled Zuma’s ignorance) duly protected by South Africa Constitution.  And hey wake up, Cynical People: Soldiers are also fathers and they are also mothers like you!

Ultimately, if Jacob Zuma succeeds to kill Phiri by silly ruses like sending his six trigger-happy military policemen ostensibly ‘just for taking away the computer Phiri blogs with’, who will take care of Phiri’s daughter Tamara hardly two this August month of 2012?

If Zuma succeeds in his murderous path so gruesomely started in his mid-80s days of exile worship to Mandela’s racism pro-Eastern-Capers, who will take care of my other children still banished by Jacob Zuma to Tanzania for the sins of the father who (to both the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania political party of South Africa and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission) in vain reported Zuma’s henchmanship to Mandela’s black racism pro-Eastern-Cape in the camps of exile of Dakawa and Mazimbu for example?

If Zuma succeeds to murder me, who will take care of the mothers to these children?

O.K. maybe Zuma will want to marry these beautiful women for his umpteenth wive that taxpayers of South Africa will forever foot their bill as First Ladies of South Africa ruled by a savage who has no idea of what it is to be holy King Shaka Zulu’s idea of a true Zulu, but as a victim I (Goodman Manyanya Phiri) remain unimpressed!

So it is legally-speaking sheer nonsense that racist abusers of people’s human rights like Jacob Zuma ‘have as commanders in-chief of the military and other security organizations a carte blanche legal leeway to send robotic shoot-to-kill soldiers traipsing  into the houses of army lieutenant colonels like Phiri as the Zuma-like dictators so wish’!

Ask yourself: “If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to an officer Phiri,

“If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to a gentleman Phiri,


If Zuma and his favourite Temba Templeton Matanzima can do that to Republic of South Africa’s Man of Honour Phiri by sending soldiers ready to kick doors down ‘just to for the purpose of taking Phiri’s PC with which Phiri reports Army corruption and racism’, WHAT PROTECTION DO DOWN-TO-EARTH CIVILIANS HAVE AGAINST ZUMA WHEREVER THEY DARE WHISTLE AGAINST BLACK-RACIST-ZUMA-PRO-MANDELA-TRIBE IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA?

Maybe I should give my reply this way:  If it was constitutionally kosher for Jacob Zuma to send those military men to my residence in Lyttelton-Centurion-Pretoria like he did by means of the Army’s ‘Matanzima Commander-since-turned-Ombudsman Matanzima’, WHY DID ZUMA IN THE FIRST PLACE BOTHER TO GO VIA HIS UNNAMABLE FEMALE DEFENCE AND VETERANS AFFAIRS MINISTER TO PLEAD WITH JUDGE GEORGE WEBSTER?





Then Brigadier General Kula and General Officer Commanding Jacob Zuma’s Army Intelligence Formation WITH HIS OWN FAVOURITE BRIGADE::: THE WOMEN!!!  At least one of those women pictured with him is roundly rumoured at Army Headquarters to have played ‘dog’ with.But nobody is getting any surprised in South Africa these days seeing that Kula’s commander-in-chief, Jacob Zuma, seems to be seeing woman’s vagina  nothing else but playground for Powerful Man whether woman be another man’s wife is immaterial; also immaterial even if women are friends’ daughters as evidenced by Jacob Zuma’s sexual most notorious escapades with daughters of friends Struggle Hero Mr Khuzwayo and Soccer Boss Irvin Khoza.


Army Chief Lieutenant Gilbert Lebeko Ramano (Gilbert Ramano)

Supreme Court’s (Gauteng North’s) Honourable Judge Leon Claassen who decided ‘morals aside whether native black African Phiri insulted or not native European Colonel Kleynhans’ PHIRI NEEDS MUST HAVE THE INSPECTOR GENERAL REPORT AUTHORED BY [XHOSA-SPEAKING ‘SEBATA’GENERAL ENOCH MUISENG MASHOALA OVER 30-DAYS’S INVESTIGATIGATIONS CONDUCTED BY SAME CHARACTER BETWEEN FEBRARY AND MARCH 2001 PRIOR TO PHIRI’S UNFORTUNATE CHARGING FOR BLOWING THE WHISTLE OVER THE CORRUPTION OF ARMY ARMY PROMOTION PROCEDURES WITH THE GIVING OF SEX FAVOURS INSRTEAD AS DONE BY NELSON MANDELA’S COUSIN, GENERAL ZINI-BOBELO. ]





And while we broached the subject of Mojo Motau (video highlighted topmost of this blogpost), maybe it is high time we revealed the abject lack of professionalism Mojo Motau and his underling generals performed prior and during the Boeremag attacks on South Africa all contained in the letter Goodman Manyanya Phiri wrote to President Thabo Mbeki without any acknowledgements nor any requiting whatsoever save more persecution for blowing the whistle on lack of professionalism in the SANDF by  Thabo Mbeki's fellow ex-Eastern-Cape Province like the self-same Motau. (The letter cannot be state secret anymore seeing that Motau and other generals desirous of destryoying Phiri sent tothe media as early as December 2002 and days after Phiri had sent it to Mbeki; Secondly, there can be no state secret where already the Boeremag did successfully bomb South Africa leaving at least one person dead in the process).

The stuff you are itching to read now in connection with a a certain General Kula from the Eastern-Cape and his fellow-Eastern-Caper-reputed Mojo Motau is contained in some of the paragraphs below which I tried to highlight chronologically.

AFFIDAVIT SUBMITTED AT ARMY HEADQUARTERS DE QUAR ROAD MILITARY POLICE AND QUOTED 06 NOVEMBER 2002 IN LETTER TO SANDF COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF (HIS EXCELLENCY MR THABO MVUYELWA MBEKI) TO INITIATE PROSECUTION AGAINST BRIGADIER GENERAL MLANDELI ALFRED KULA, THE GENERAL OFFICER COMMANDING SOUTH AFRICAN ARMY INTELLIGENCE FORMATION AT ARMY HEADQUARTERS AND LIEUTENANT COLONEL PHIRI’S IMMEDIATE SUPERVISOR. NO FINGER WAS LIFTED AGAINST THIS APPARENT CRIMINAL-IN-NATIONAL-UNIFORM, AND SO HIS ACTIONS ARE EITHER STILL HAUNTING MY CAREER OR HE’S DAILY SECRETLY ADDING FRESHER SHENANIGANS  TO UNFAIRLY OUST ME FROM SERVICE TO MY NATION AS A SOLDIER(SANITIZED AND DIGITIZED FOR REASONS OF NATIONAL SECURITY)

I, 98007693 PE with I.D. Number ……………… Rank: Lieutenant Colonel  Full Name: Goodman Manyanya Phiri   Age (in 2002): 41  Date of Birth: 04 May 1961  Sex: Male   Residing   at: No. 622 Pretoria Street, Fermont Accommodation, Pretoria  Telephone  +27833087713  Working at: Defence Intelligence, Pretoria   Telephone +27123150666  Occupation: War Practitioner  State under oath in English:

Since early 2001, the Brigadier General Officer Commanding South African Army Intelligence Formation, Mlandeli Alfred Kula (Force Number 94810074PE), without quoting even one military order or policy document that so allows him, has been consistently ill-treating me by word of mouth and deed, mostly in public hearing of other members with the obvious intention of diminishing the stature of both myself and that of my current employer, Defence Intelligence.

To start with, contrary to the right of all officers under instruction (students) in the entire South African National Defence Force (SANDF), he and his deputy (Annexure A, page 73) ordered the Army’s Career Management to get me to redo an entire JCSD course that I passed well over the required 60%, rather than jut the module I had failed, as is the norm and practice in the SANDF.

When I wrote a complaint letter (23 November, Annexure A) to Kula about the difficulty his office was putting me into, he never responded to that grievance at all.  This is contrary to Section 42a (MDC) which reads “any person who when a complaint by another person subject to this code has been made to him unduly delays in redressing the wrong complained of or sending the complaint to higher authority in accordance with this code shall be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to imprisonment for a period not exceeding one month”.

Annexure A’s page 12 should show to any reader that I was prepared (on the possible failure of the Brigadier General to favourably address my grievance) to actually go and redo the entire course as his office had so ordered.

But suddenly, without any consultation with me, the Brigadier General unceremoniously cut me out of the course/study or any other SANDF study for good saying I should not in the first place have been re-nominated for the course until I am cleared of the 11-or-so charges stemming from the South African Army College (see pages 21 to 24 of Annexure A).

As usual, this Kula decision aimed at mistreating me is accompanied by no policy document of the SANDF that he has shown me or sent to my file at Defence Intelligence.  In fact, the Brigadier General Officer Commanding Army Intelligence Formation deliberately ordered that the memorandum he had written be kept away from my file at Defence Intelligence where I am employed.

Army Personnel telephonically informed me the contents of the memorandum could never be made known to me unless the Brigadier General said so.  Yet this memorandum involves my life and my career.  What does the Brigadier General have to hide about what he wrote at the expense of my military career that he refuses me to read it?

From my officer at Defence Intelligence, I subsequently (on or around 22 May 2002)telephonically conveyed my frustration to Career Management at Army Headquarters: I asked them if they could access me the said Kula memorandum.

Career Management advised me to approach Force Preparation.  And the name of a white (Force-Preparation) colonel was given, as Career Management said that in “in actuality it is Force Preparation who could make a definitive decision about the matter at hand”.

On my searches towards telephonic contact with the said colonel, I accidentally ended up connecting to Brigadier General J.D. Malan who, I felt honoured, said I could as well talk to me, which I did.

Brigadier General Malan advised me to go back and plead with my Brigadier General Officer Commanding Army Intelligence Formation (Kula) to write a letter on my behalf for consideration by General Officer Commanding Force Preparation, one general L.M. Dlulane.

When I finally spoke to Kula about Malan’s advice, he ordered me “tell Brigadiers General Malan and your supervisor at Defence Intelligence, Brigadier General Etienne Fourie, the Director of Technological Intelligence to go to hell as they should know better than to imagine a criminal like you Phiri could do a course while you are facing the serious charges you are facing” or words to that effect.  I pointed out to Brigadier General Kula that I could not talk for Brigadier talk for Brigadier General J.D. Malan; but Brigadier General Fourie, into his office I was entering as Brigadier General Kula called my cellphone, was as much at a loss about my course dilemma as I was; and was Brigadier General Kula going, I implored him, please going to talk to him rather than asking me to convey insults that had no substance?

Brigadier General Kula declined to talk to his counter part Fourie; but continued to throw the insults around saying “to ask those Boers of yours Phiri to go to hell as I am not prepared to be lectured by them as I know exactly what I am doing by banning you from doing any SANDF course because you have written too terrible things about other soldiers in your letter to me” (or words to that effect).

In not so many words, I then went ahead to inform Brigadier General Kula that I was planning to charge him and the others who were not only illegally presuming me guilty but were already mistreating over crimes I neither committed nor had been found guilty on by any court military or otherwise.

Brigadier General Kula’s malicious behaviour towards me has remained consistent throughout.  Every opportunity I had to respectfully and humbly show him his faults I used.  He denied malice and preferred implicating others, e.g. his one-time deputy, Lieutenant Colonel J.A.L. Brandsen (Annexure A, page 73) as the culprit of my needless pain and suffering.

Soon after my appointment in April 2001 to the Senior Staff Officer’s post I am currently occupying at Defence Intelligence Brigadier General Kula in reaction called a meeting of all intelligence officers around Pretoria (most of them as junior as captains and even lieutenants) to a meeting in Kiepersol (South African Army Headquarters).  Unprovoked, he verbally attacked and said words to the effect that “Phiri is a puppet and object of unfair promotion at the behest of Lieutenant General M.J. Motau and his top management” or a message to that effect.  In that meeting he essentially said that he failed to understand how Motau (the Lieutenant General Officer Commanding South African National Defence Force’s Defence Intelligence Division) could get any wisdom in smoke-filled dark rooms where he and his top management could make the right choice (of Phiri) without consulting Kula for a better candidate to take the post the Motau group “wrongfully” gave to Phiri, a mere criminal facing some 11 charges and a man who “had failed his JCSD Course” only a month earlier.

Brigadier General Kula also said that Motau’s Division “a civilian entity” that was trying to play soldier; when in fact only “Kula’s own organization, the Army Intelligence Formation” was involved in real war, and not Motau’s.

Even though Brigadier General Kula did not make explicit mention of the Phiri name  or that of Motau during his angry barrage during which he pleaded with his audience not to implicate him in what he essentially referred to as a dirty deal of appointing Phiri through naked favouritism and not merit, anybody who knew anything, was clear he was referring to Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri.

I felt deeply hurt; though I never pointed that out to him then, even though he did invite comments from us his audience.

Same applies to the issue of the charges against me: although Brigadier General Kula did not vocalize his connection of the said issue with my name on the meeting in the biggest part of which he was in any case lambasting and denigrating Phiri and Motau’s Defence Intelligence, the fact that soon after his outburst he ordered all and sundry to write down any charges they were facing together with courses they had failed, was obviously a continuation of the slander against me.

I am sure if he wanted to know about charges anyone was facing, he could have gone to any personnel office and asked for a printout instead of dragging my name in that public verbal slaughter.

In any case, what do charges soldiers are facing having to do with their career when the said soldiers have not yet been found guilty of the charges?  Why does the Brigadier General have double standards, attaching pending charges with rights of officers when he himself, since he was charged for copying his exam in 1999 (a charge that later seemingly disappeared from the files of SANDF’s Chief Prosecutor, Rear Admiral Dunstan Smart), he has done several courses without anyone denying him courses on the basis that he is facing charges?

Why is it that as an alleged examination-copying colonel then, no one prevented him from gaining his next rank (Brigadier General) because of having pending charges which to this day have to the best knowledge of all officers I talk with in the SANDF he has not yet been brought to book for?

…Relevant to understanding of the background and other facts around this case; and the cases of the others I am charging before both the military prosecution system and the national prosecutor (in the event of inaction on the part of the of the SANDF) is  Annexure A to the letter written the State President by myself, dated 08 July 2002 and mailed 19 July 2002 through Defence Intelligence’s special delivery system, said letter with the title “YOUR INTERVENTION AMIDST MINISTERIAL AND JUDICIAL COVER-UPS/INCOMPETENCE IN CASE INVOLVING LIEUTENANT COLONEL G.M. PHIRI”.







20021105  A Letter (Reference Number SA ARMY INT FMBN/C/103/2/1, Tel +27123551504/2769/2701) signed by General Officer Commanding South African Army Intelligence Formation Brigadier General Kula to one Major B. du Plessis who works for (Xhosaman Mdletye’s) Army Directorate Career Management ordering the Major never (“until 2006”) to enlist Lieutenant Colonel Manyanya Phiri for a further military Course/Study.  (NB, except by the order of the State President, whose current incumbent Mr Mbeki has clearly shown to be inimical towards Phiri, Phiri can never be promoted to the three ranks higher which is ——-however good he is at his work unless he attains this and other Course-/Study-qualifications. Nor can he, as per the minimal British-participated-in July,1998 integration agreements, be automatically promoted to the  rank of Colonel —let alone the rank Major General which, had he been treated as fairly as his potential and performance dictate, would have been his rank today).  In fact, since March 9, 2001 when Phiri passed his Junior Command and Staff Duties Course/Study— (which his detractors arbitrarily, maliciously and discriminatorily called a failure for one missed module whereas other students in similar predicament were granted a pass)— he has been ready to do this Kula-proscribed Course/Study or its equivalents in South Africa and abroad.  But, from the moment that the Xhosa tribalists (ably assisted by a few but powerful British supremacists) shamelessly undermining both South Africa’s constitution and the globally-enshrined legal principle termed audi alteram partem- (allow the other party to put his case, too), decided to fabricate both lies and non-existent documents implicating Phiri in wrongdoing without calling Phiri to protect his rights, Phiri was through various guises ordered never to continue studying.  This order is in violation of Chapter 2 Section 35 (3) (h) of The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) which clearly states that “Every accused person has a right to a fair trial, which includes the right to be presumed innocent....”






20021106  Through the command channel of the SANDF, Phiri writes another letter to the State President titled SUPERVISORY OFFICER JOINING 7 OTHER MISTREATING SENIOR OFFICERS AMIDST MINISTERIAL TOTAL DISREGARD OF TWO-YEAR OLD GRIEVANCE BY LIEUTENANT COLONEL G.M. PHIRI.  This letter, although signed for (by identifiable government officials at the Presidency) and received in Phiri’s presence, is subsequently handed, patently,  by the Mbeki’s administration to the media with the obvious intention  to make it look like Phiri intended to break the law by divulging state secrets in the media.  Following this subtle smear campaign against Phiri, Mr Mbeki’s office through Presidential Spokesman Mr Bheki Khumalo assisted by an SANDF Spokesmen under the guidance/instigation/tutelage/protection and support of Rear Admiral Smart, badmouths Phiri further on print media and on the World Wide Web, falsely claiming that “the President’s office never received Phiri’s letter” (or words to that effect) which contrary, of course to the false claim, they received.

20021106  Mr Collin Sibanyoni receives and reads Mr Mbeki’s letter.


20021121  In five seconds of an unmotivated, verbal, military-version-of-a-kangaroo-court-styled-Motau order (through a white Defence-Intelligence Major General, instead of via a Board Of Inquiry as the law required for the SSO I was, Phiri is illegally moved from his post at Defence Intelligence, principally because of his warnings about the SOWETO bombs.  In this South African Military Intelligence Division Phiri had for the previous three years been giving sterling service to the people of South Africa, including a one-man breakthrough against terrorism (particularly the one that was directed against Golden Arrow Bus Services, GABS, in Cape Town and the Peninsula.)

If you are not Xhosa, it is apparently a crime in the Mandela-Mbeki South Africa to have expertise and high standards of performance.  You simply become a threat to the Mandelasque Xhosa tribalists’ good-for-nothing children who nonetheless like a birthright, it seems, needs must hold high position in the SANDF, the Police Service and National Intelligence where, as things are unfolding in a new world conflict between the West and Islamicists who catch misdirected Africa in between, have no idea what distinguishes a Laudium-township pious man who can’t hurt a fly,  from a trained Al-Qaeda operative. 



20021124  24/11/02 “SOWETAN SUNDAY WORLD ”BOMBINGS, ARMY MESSED UP (President Mbeki receives report on how top SANDF intelligence chiefs ignored warning of Soweto blasts) IT DIDN’T HAVE TO HAPPEN (Army top brass were warned about blasts)

South African national defence force (SANDF) intelligence officer says that his warnings of imminent rightwing bombings in Soweto were ignored by his bosses.

Lt Col G.M. Phiri, in a letter to Thabo Mbeki, the president, says that he is now being labelled a “spy” by his defence intelligence superiors.  Phiri’s letter says he submitted a warning to defence intelligence a week before Soweto was hit by nine home-made bombs.

With Phiri’s ink barely dry, a powerful explosion rocked a building situated outside the Grand Central Airport in Mid-rand last night.

No casualties were reported, said Superintendent Eugene Opperman.  He said some of the building’s windows had been shattered and the building’s roof has been damaged.
“As far as we know, nobody was hurt,” Opperman said, adding that police were still trying to determine the cause of the blast.

Defence intelligence’s failure to act on Phiri’s warning had tragic consequences, Claudina Mokone died and her husband Joseph was injured in one of the bombings.

But Phiri says his fears were dismissed as a figment of his imagination, according to the letter.

Phiri also alleges in the letter that a brigadier from defence intelligence headquarters in Pretoria suppressed information pertaining to his early warnings.

Major Niko Allie, an SANDF spokesman, said on Friday that defence intelligence had received no information from Phiri, before or after the Soweto bombings, about the circumstances related to, or the planning of, the blasts.

In his letter Phiri also claims no warning of imminent blasts was given to the public.
Neither was an informant, who told Phiri that the people behind the blasts were well known, officially thanked Phiri claims in the letter.

Phiri says his source also told him that some of the people behind the bombs work for the SANDF.

In his letter, Phiri says the intelligence brigadier dismissed his warning, saying “there is no indication of the reliability of the source or the accuracy of the information”.

“Seven weeks ago the brigadier was chairing a defence intelligence information processing session and the subject of a rightwing destabilization threat once more came up for consideration,” Phiri’s letter says.

Phiri told the meeting that a truckful of arms, deliberately abandoned in Lichtenburg by right wingers was a “show of force” by them, according to the letter.

Phiri goes on, “The brigadier immediately made light of the ‘show of force’ terminology
“He in fact started a fabulous story. something like ‘criminals holding South African society hostage were also demonstrating a show of force’”.

“When the brigadier acts on behalf of Major General Leon Croukamp, be becomes one of the most important people in the land, deciding whether the country will sink or swim in the event of an imminent military conflict.

“This, Mr President, is crucial information,” the letter says.

Yesterday the office of the president referred Phiri’s letter to the ministry of defence.
Three weeks after the defence intelligence meeting, says Phiri in the letter, an SANDF lieutenant not only confirmed the seriousness of the threat, but also produced a report that corroborated the suspicion that right-wingers were going to plant bombs somewhere in South Africa sometime in October.

Last week a rightwing group called the Boerevolk claimed responsibility for the blasts.  Intelligence reports say the Boeremag and Boerevolk are part of Die Volk, an extreme rightwing organisation.




Tired of South African politics? I am too am tired!!! Mind if we take a break with Jim Diamond?… AND THANKS FOR READING

And maybe if Jim Diamond is not your cup of tea try one of The Beegee's most heart-rending  pieces called Tears for Andy.  You may also prefer to stay on these African shores wheretofor I would confine  you with the aural greatness coming your way from the Soweto Marimba Youth League presenting a xylophonic rendition of "You Raised Me Up"


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