SANITIZED AND DIGITIZED FOR CLARITY AND SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL SECURITY
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| I am Tamara Phiri, aged 2, sick and tired of racist Jacob Zuma |
My father has no clue about the Pen’s immanent capabilities for emptying the heart clear of cark and pain. All that my father apparently knows is ‘that two-year-olds like Tamara Sibusisiwe Phiri will translate to computer disaster when keyboard is approached by our species. Surely, Mr. Phiri, us toddlers cannot be that bad! And even if we do deserve the bad name, surely there must also be some positive spinoffs even for adults via our hands-on learning processes so oft deemed distracting, if not destructive, to computer-intense adults like Phiri.
I am not sure whether my father (the 51-year-old) will ever appreciate my flair for his keyboard, to say nothing of my general computer literacy. Chances again are: he will come up with another post lambasting or refuting what little claim I have to computer-literacy my wee two years of earthly existence notwithstanding.
Poor little tot me o Baby me! I will have to thank my stars if my fastidious father avoids the word ‘poltergeist’ for me this time round. It is like whatever mistake I make with his computer, and whatever digital I could touch by his property name, I could as well have set his entire house on fire! Poor me! Poltergeist me!
He doesn’t appreciate me; at least not as of now when he basically takes me for a saboteur. And that is the reason why I have decided to sell myself on-line.
Here is my sale, and I have by the way already raised the ante for it:
You see, I happened into a list that Father Goodman Manyanya Phiri made of the suffering he has for the past 27 years gone through at the hands of Mr. Jacob Zuma (South Africa’s strongest man as of this moment) ; and I had thought, ‘goddammit.. this man Goodman is bottling up so much pain!
I had thought: Why is he not spilling his bitterness out to the world that needs to decide if they need a man of Jacob Zuma’s calibre for a second term as head of state, where as far as I am concerned as two-year-old Miss Tamara Sibusisiwe Phiri, he was a human-rights-abuser in exile and still remains one even as of now?
I mean, it is unbelievable that a supposedly civilized country like South Africa ruled by this one Jacob Zuma, has allowed for 18 years now, the self-same Zuma to get away with the xenophobic banishment of my father (Goodman’s) first wife for 18 solid years in Tanzania because my first mother is for Zuma supposed to be a so-called kwerekwere! Why are Zuma’s demigods, Mr. Mandela’s fellow-Xhosa-speakers allowed to keep their Tanzanian wives by Zuma when my father is disallowed? Is it because my father dared to spill the beans to his political party Pan Africanist Congress of Azania about the human-rights violations Zuluman Zuma and his Xhosa-speaking demigods like one Mr. Robert Mance were involved with in exile burying comrades alive?
I, Tamara said: “Spill the Zuma-Henchmanship-to-Mandela’s-Black-Racism-pro-Eastern-Cape-Province-beans, Papa! Spill them now or never!”
Mr. Goodman Manyanya Phiri replied: “I need to give Mr. Jacob Zuma the Zuluman time to come to from his stupor of blind worship towards a Nelson Mandela who is a mere and very fallible human.”
My father is clearly busy wasting time on a shallow-minded Mr. Jacob Zuma who, worse, has even already defied a Judge George Webster order not to conduct any Anton Piller on my father. We saw on that score a Mr. Zuma (intent on creating a yes-man out South Africa’s judicial system) going ahead with his militia-driven-Anton Piller Judge George Webster’s counter-order notwithstanding. The military police were used for this, as commanded by one Mzophethe Macanda (Xhosa-speaker), ordered by Temba Templeton Matanzaima (Xhosa-speaker and Mandela cousin) ordered by Jacob Zuma (Zulu-speaker who deifies Mandela).
So, two-year-old I decided to move beyond this Zuma-Mandela racial/tribal feudalism of families. I decided to transcribe and post on-line my father’s (Goodman’s) ‘CHRONOLOGY OF PAIN AT THE HANDS OF JACOB Zuma’.
The presentation is interlaced with photos my father took of me yesterday and photos that he got himself taken of today. Hey, he is an old-man I say… I wonder why I did not go to China in search of a father…..L.O.L.
Mark you; this is a post in the DAILY MAKING!!!!
It’s bound to grow, grow, grow AND GROW! Good night!
My hope though, is: Dad, as you go to sleep BEGIN PLEASE TO SEE ME IN A DIFFERENT LIGHT FROM A POLTERGEIST BURNING YOUR DREAMS. Please, Dad, it’s cold here in the wintry shack of Mamelodi where we have been forced to live since forever by racist Jacob Zuma pro-Eastern-Cape natives for Mandela. I want to get out of this torturous shack; but this can only happen if you allow me to read your brain and to set your story alight not as a poltergeist but rather as your muse.
Yeah, as you wake up tomorrow morning you will read how I envisaged you trying to put your ideas across.
GOODMAN MANYANYA PHIRI’S NUCLEAR CHRONOLOGY AND ANNALS
The gentleman on this photo immediately after this para is my father, Goodman. Here is how he would make his first steps towards chronologizing for at least the international community (if South Africa’s heavily Zuma-corrupted justice system should fail Father)
Alarmed at the chronologically dodgy statements officers like apparent Mandelasque Xhosa Tribal or Eastern-Cape-Province-born Supremacists Mr. Enoch Muiseng Mashoala are prepared to make on such platforms as are granted via audience with the South Africa’s State Attorney, I Goodman Manyanya Phiri have decided to include an enclosure that stipulates the order of things in the anti-Phiri saga of the Zuma Regime in South Africa and predecessors. This, so that neither confusion nor smokescreen is again created over this matter; so that a quick resolution be arrived at; and so that I Goodman Manyanya Phiri am allowed to go back to my core business of a soldier defending territorial integrity of the Republic as well as the sanctity of our constitution as an independent African nation.
19750510 My elder brother, Jackson Phiri, introduces me to his “friend” (an APLA guerilla who introduced himself as “Scorpion”). I was henceforth to attend many of my elder brother’s secretive meetings with Scorpion and other comrades. As time went on my brother lost interest in these meetings and I ended up being the one more interested, and ultimately, the only one so interested, as my brother developed other interests far more removed from the liberation struggle.
19760510 From Amsterdam (Mpumalanga Province, South Africa where Phiri was born) Phiri joins the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and APLA which stands for “Azanian People’s Liberation Army’s underground anti-colonial operations.
19831211 Foregoing and sacrificing my duties and grandmotherly training by the Swazi-Nation Chieftaincy of the EMjindini Royal House in South Africa, I Goodman Manyanya Phiri departs for a spying mission in exile. In Mozambique, I Goodman Manyanya Phiri is welcomed by current South African President Jacob Zuma, who, wittingly or unwittingly made my work in exile easy by sending me to Angola (Luanda) where members of Umkhonto we Sizwe (the armed wing of the ANC) were still bleeding from massacres committed by highly-placed apparent apartheid agents who to this day, the Xhosa-speaking Mandelasque-Thembu-Race-dominated Administration of Mr Jacob Zuma refuses to divulge for obvious reasons: not only are most of them are Xhosa-speakers of the essentially dysfunctional Province of South Africa’s Eastern Cape where self-styled Demigod Mr Nelson Mandela comes from, but revealing the ongong black racism pro-Mandela’s Eastern Cape would needs must also expose human-right abuses and atrocities committed by Mr Jacob Zuma himself where he in the mid-eighties sanctioned the inhuman killing of Apartheid Agents (read “ANC members who were opposed to Nelson Mandela and Student Jacob Zuma’s silly philosophy of racial superiority of blacks born in Mandela’s Eastern Cape”) .
Also very helpful in a more direct way were Senior
Communist Party Leaders the late Comrades Chris Hani (at the end of Phiri’s
work in Angola, ordering and facilitating Phiri’s departure from Luanda to
Tanzania which order was given to the Viana Camp’s Command structure headed by
the likes of “Comrade Pro”, Phiri’s current colleague at Defence Intelligence
Directorate Technological Intelligence (the late Colonel David Watson), and
also by 43Brigade’s dynamic Major Tshepo W. Cheela, (to name but a few) and the
late venerable Mr Moses Mncane Mabhida (amongst other blessings affirming Phiri as a House Father in a Kindergarten in
Tanzania headed by one one Comrade Queen Zondo).
At the end of Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s stint (a.k.a.
“Terence Qwabe”) within ANC camps, Phiri submits in 1987 a detailed
Zuma-Mandelasque-Xhosa-tribalism report to the Pan Africaninst Congress of
Azania and its military wing the Azaninan People’s Liberation Army (PAC and
APLA).
19870610 Mr
Hani is reported arrived at Viana, Luanda, Angola, Africa.
--------------
19870610 Goodman
Manyanya Phiri’s elder brother (Mr Vusumuzi Jackson Phiri) is mysteriously
fatally poisoned at a house of some “white” people in Hendrina, Mpumalanga
Province of South Africa.
Understandably, with him was his Xhosa-speaking-ex-Eastern-Cape-Province
girl friend Nonceba. I Goodman Manyanya
Phiri (God-willing) am still to establish if this was an Apartheid murder or, as my parents were led to believe,
this was a suicide.
19911106 Vicky Dlamini (aged well above 40 as of this
writing and one of what I find to be the too many cases for victims of the
Mandelasqmue Xhosa tribalism at its most-distilled dastardliness) flies with
her nuclear family into Johannesburg Airport from 16 years of exile and
military training under Africanist Pixley Isaka ka Seme’s ANC, only to be
refused her dues because, it’s clear, the xenophobic Mandelasque Xhosa
tribalists regard her as a Kwerekwere/Grigamba[1].
She, like so many former freedom fighters scattered in the squatter camps of
South Africa and neighbouring countries is now into her 13th year of
suffering and pain like you will never
wish for even your worst enemy
19920814 At
his first schooling ever outside the country (the Tambo-Mbeki ANC never
bothered to send anybody for serious studies unless they were Xhosa, or came
from the Eastern Cape or were puppets of
the Xhosa tribalism. Many ANC cadres
e.g. Giovanni murdered by the Motau-and-Company regime of Dakawa who tried to
force matters in the process died under questionable circumstances, like "poison ingestion" or "suicide"), Phiri qualifies cum laude at the Tanzania School of
Journalism Certificate No 0000648 and The Best Performance ever by a foreign
student as well as Certificate No 0505 for The Best Overall Student in Kiswahili
for Beginners. With Phiri at College
were fellow South Africans (an over-represented 70%+ in a demographics of less
than 20% being Xhosa). With less performance and even lesser experience,
Phiri’s Xhosa friends (Mr Monde Tshongweni, Miss Nomthandazo Pemba and Mr
Manqoba Qubeka) get a nod to work at Mandelasque Xhosaman’s SABC and other
institutions on repatriation.
19940119 In Dar es-Salaam, Phiri marries Tanzanian
Miss Leonide Mathias-Makafu on the United Republic of Tanzania’s Certificate of
Marriage No 00027594. This is a woman
who, prior to the marriage reported at least one incident of sexual molestation
by a Xhosa speaking, senior member of the liberation army. Like jilted lovers and obviously under the
orders of Current SANDF Chief Defence
Corporate Communication, Major General Dan Mofokeng and Mr Clarence Mlamli Makwetu, the Xhosa
tribalists in exile (notably subsequently slain National Intelligence Agency
Mandelasque Xhosa Tribalist gendarme Mr Benson Mandindi) trashed this certificate
of marriage bundled Phiri onto a
Johannesburg-bound plane on one hand; tore to pieces on the other hand a (duly
processed and approved) United Nations Voluntary Repatriation documents to the
Republic of South Africa Application Form or his wife and handed her 2000
Tanzanian Shillings to be trucked back to her countryside province Iringa “or
with the baby you are pregnant with starve in Dar es-Salaam”. Phiri also thinks possibly he was
discriminated against and persecuted because he wrote about Xhosa tribalism in
ANC’s exile where non-Xhosa leaders of the struggle were in various sinister
ways elbowed out to groom Mr Mbeki for leadership of South Africa which Mr
Mbeki now, in Phiri’s opinion, holds by perpetuating the same Xhosa-tribalism
assisted by apartheid and British neo-colonialist agents that brought about his
power base.
19940405 Phiri’s arrival back in South Africa after 10
years spent fully engaged in exposing apartheid enemy agents who were using
Xhosa tribalism particularly in the ANC camps, to emasculate and weaken the
liberation process in South Africa and the rest of the continent.
19940504 Phiri meets in Johannesburg (now) SANDF Major
General Dan Mofokeng who had earlier taken over leadership of APLA immediately
after the unsolved fatal automobile accident involving APLA’s General Sabelo
Phama. (It is widely suspected that the military APLA supremo was assassinated
by colonial agents) It turns out the Major General deliberately lied to Phiri
that the former will make sure to facilitate the repatriation of Phiri’s wife
Leonide to South Africa. This never happened and the next time Major General
Mofokeng spoke about the matter emerges over this matter was when he made a
recorded false statement to the TRC falsely claiming that “no one was ever
maltreated by APLA forces” or words to that effect. As a policy he is right, none whatsoever was
ever maltreated by APLA. But too
frequently the Xhosas, eager for positions or the money of the colonists,
backstabbed their non-Xhosa comrades as well as moderate Xhosas.
19940519 Phiri writes Major General Mofokeng a letter
cementing his plea with him to expedite efforts registered with the
Mandela-Mbeki administration for the repatriation from Tanzania of Phiri’s wife
Leonide and daughter Mercedes-Thoko.
Major General Mofokeng again verbally promises Phiri he will
deliver. Even to the extent of staging a
mock phone call to Benson Mandindi (then still in Dar es Salaam). Ten years now, Major general Mofokeng and his
Xhosa-speaking family partook with Mr Mbeki and other powerful Xhosas in their,
celebrating the 10 year-Freedom, freedom
and happiness for the Major General and his
family which, in Dar es-Salaam was cooked for and washed for by Phiri’s
Tanzanian wife, Leonide. But 10 years down the line Major General Mofokeng has
sabotaged the good chances for the coming of Phiri’s wife and now 10-year old
daughter Mercedes-Thoko, to join him.
Worse, Major General Mofokeng who had all the year since 1994 been
working as a general officer commanding a unit in his Eastern-Cape stronghold
had no sooner got a new post in Pretoria that got reported by some generals
(sympathetic to Phiri) as sitting at the SANDF’s Plenary Defence Staff Counsel
(the highest authority of South Africa’s national defence force) “kissing ass
and calling for Phiri to be charged for raising further complaints about the
ongoing Xhosa tribalism and British-inspired white racism that we all know
saddle the SANDF”. This happens despite
deliberate efforts by Phiri to brief Mofokeng in the presence of respected
Africanists like Thami ka Plaatjie, Maxwell Nemadzivhanane and several SANDF
generals on the true state of affairs vis-à-vis the media lies that were
purveyed by Xhosa tribalists Mr Mbeki and British racist Smart during the
reburial of Comrade Jesus in Soweto.
19970610 Submission to Xhosa tribalist
Anglican-Archbishop Desmond Mpilo Tutu’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(TRC) a statement by Phiri concerning gross violations of human-rights abuses
meted out against him, his wife and their daughter (all of whom as of this
writing are still in Tanzania) by Xhosa tribalist officials Messrs Benson
Mandindi and Monezi Gcilitshe, working under the command of now SANDF Major
General Mofokeng and then PAC President Mr Clarence Mlamli Makwetu. Xhosa-tribalist Anglican- Archbishop Tutu was
only to acknowledge receipt of that statement after being goaded by Phiri to do
so. Finally TRC Case No
JB04241/01GTSOW (Goodman Manyanya Phiri) was published as a human-rights abuse
matter in at least the TRC Preliminary Report.
Since the laboriously squeezed-out acknowledgement from Archbishop Tutu
that the TRC had received my statement there is no document that Phiri ever
received from either the Commission Chairman or from the overseeing Justice and
Constitutional Development Minister, Mr Penuell Maduna, another Xhosa.
19971201 (On the part of the Mandela-Mbeki Administration) the
third year of plain discriminatory refusal to integrate Phiri from APLA PAC to
the any state employ. Phiri then writes
a letter to the Chief Executive Officer of the SABC, Xhosaman Zwelakhe Sisulu
about the discrimination of Phiri as a non-Xhosa from getting a post in the
SABC despite his good qualifications, experience and several unrequited
applications.
19980119 Phiri receives
a letter from the Chief Executive Officer of the SABC, Mr Zwelakhe Sisulu’s
organization claiming “they are investigating and correcting Phiri’s
discrimination”. They never in fact did. Till this day.
19980208 Post
Office Parcel Number NR 187576105ZA (which was the letter to President Mandela
and Mr Gora Ebrahim MP, written by Phiri) is collected for Mandela government
by one Ndumiso Tutani in Cape Town (and later confirmed by Mr Ebrahim as
received and handed over to President Mandela).
This letter was also published in a newspaper, Johannesburg’s City Vision
dated 03 April 1998, p.4, “(XHOSA) TRIBALISM REARS ITS UGLY HEAD” so that it
could not have escaped the attention of a Mandela presidency ostensibly with
such a sharp nose for issues of tribalism that the elderly Xhosa gentleman will
smell it as far-off as Tutsi-Hutu Burundi where he and Mr Mbeki have committed
taxpayers’ millions as well as several soldiers’ lives to prove, as it were,
that they are pan-africanists who are
against tribalism. The power play within
South Africa's borders exposes their Burundi involvement for a political red
herring to cover up the Mandela-Mbeki Xhosa tribalism sown in South Africa with
the support of British imperialists.
Indeed, it could not be that Mr Mandela’s memory is so short and faded
that he has forgotten about the Xhosa tribalism the Ugandans warned him about
some 40 years ago in the presence of one of the most-ever-revered African
leaders, The Lion of Judah of Ethiopia?
19980216 At 15H30 Phiri confirms via Tel No
+27800111502 that indeed, Parcel Number NR 187576105ZA (which was the letter to
President Mandela and Mr Gora Ebrahim MP) was received by one Mr Ndumiso Tutani
in Cape Town. Mr O’Donovan is the
official who confirms on behalf of the Post Office Courier. Considering what Mr Mandela says[2] in his
autobiography on the issue of Xhosa tribalism, Phiri would like to ask, what
is Mr Mandela saying today when, 42
years later, those Xhosa tribalists that Uganda mentioned have now joined
forces with white supremacists of mainly British extract in South Africa,
turning the lives of non-Xhosa sons and daughters of Africa into hell in,
particularly, the SANDF, while he, Mr Mandela and his successor-protégé, Mr
Mbeki conveniently “lose, misplace or
default” receiving letters written to them by officers Makume, Phiri, Gwendolyn
Nkhi and hundreds others about this potentially-disastrous national problem of
(British) white racism and Xhosa tribalism? Does Mr Mandela want to continue
reducing these realities to propaganda “less-than-one-percent-poll-party” Does
he intend saddling the hackney and riding his jaded biographical pony in the
following manner, “...I realized that many people on the Continent (Uganda etc and in the
conference to which we were invited, PAFMECSA, Pan-African Freedom Movement for
East, Central and Southern Africa, which later became the Organization of
African Unity) knew about the ANC (Xhosa-tribalism problem) only from the PAC’s
description of us”?. Does he want to
treat my literary cries with his “first
impulse to dismiss my claim contemptuously”?
British-spawned tribalism is what Uganda for
decades in advance could suitably warn South Africa as is clearly illustrated
by the country struggle against former Acholi tribalists who, for decades, had,
with the support of Britain, seized all the senior positions in the Army at
South Africa’s Mandelasque Xhosa tribalists are doing today. Here is how the matter is reflected in some
quarters[3]:
Acholi, also Acoli, Gang,
or Shuli, an ethnic group living primarily along the border of Uganda and
Sudan.
The Acholi people live mostly in the Acholi
district of Uganda, an 18,000-sq-km (11,000-sq-mi) savanna plateau. While 43
percent of Acholi clans trace descent from Nilo-Saharan-speaking Luo groups who
migrated from present-day Sudan during the 16th and 17th centuries, others
trace descent from the Lango, Karamojong, Mandi, and Bari ethnic groups. Thus the Acholi represent an emergent ethnic identity,
forged among a number of distinct groups who have come to share a homeland as
well as a language and certain cultural traditions. Contemporary population estimates fall in the
range of 600,000 to 800,000 individuals.
Most Acholi live in small hamlets organized
into patrilineal clans. Several clans
compose a chiefdom, or kaka mandit.
The Acholi distinguish between "royal" lineages, most of which claim
to be of Luo origin, and "commoners," but they have not historically
recognized a centralized political authority. Like many neighbouring groups,
the Acholi have traditionally farmed (staple foods include millet, sorghum,
maize, and various legumes) as well as raised livestock; cattle are
particularly valued as a symbol of wealth.
Pre-colonial Acholi chiefdoms often raided
each other for cattle. With the arrival of Arab traders in the area during the
19th century, they also began raiding neighbouring groups for slaves. Exchanging captives and ivory for firearms,
some clan leaders were able to acquire considerable wealth and regional political
power.
Although British colonization during the late
19th century put an end to the most powerful Acholi chiefs' expansionistic
ambitions, it otherwise had relatively little initial impact on Acholi society.
Colonial administrators perceived the Acholi as excellent warriors and
recruited them into the colonial army and police force, but showed little
interest in the Acholi region, which had neither great strategic importance nor
especially valuable natural resources.
In addition, the Acholi's relatively decentralized political
organization appeared less threatening to colonial authority than kingdoms such
as Buganda. The colonial regime only
began to intervene seriously in the Acholi region in the early 20th century,
when it imposed a poll tax, confiscated weapons, and altered the spheres of
control of some chiefs. It also strongly
encouraged cotton cultivation, which many households undertook in order to pay
their taxes.
The colonial administration's official
designation of the Acholi as a "tribe" contributed to the development
of a distinct Acholi identity, as did missionary efforts to transcribe the
Acholi language and create a written version of their history. After Uganda achieved independence in 1963, such
categories came to shape political alliances and conflicts. While the Bantu-speaking Baganda of southern
Uganda were the largest ethnic group, the Acholi and their traditional enemies,
the Lango, both northerners, dominated the military. When the first Ugandan Prime Minister, Milton
Obote, was ousted by Idi Amin in 1971, soldiers and civilians from both groups
faced severe persecution, including summary execution and torture. When Amin in turn was forced from office in
1979, Acholi members of the army and security forces sought retribution,
killing many people of Amin's ethnic group, the Kawka. Obote later relied heavily on Acholi soldiers
to fight Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) during the early
1980s.
After Museveni came to power in 1986, the Acholi again found themselves out of
favor with the Ugandan government, which has concentrated economic development
efforts in the south of the country. The
impoverished Acholi region provided fertile soil for the rise of the insurgent "Holy
Spirit" group in 1986, led by self-proclaimed prophet Alice Lakwena, who
guaranteed her followers magical protection against bullets when combating the
NRA. Museveni's troops, whose bullets
failed to turn to water in response to Lakwena's magic, imposed heavy
casualties on the Acholi. Betty Bigombe,
an Acholi member of Museveni's government, has begun to make some headway in
improving the conditions of the Acholi in recent years.
Coming to the backlash that has been occasioned on hapless Uganda, by the legacy of British tribal shenanigans,
this is what is on record[4]:
Holy Spirit Movement or Ugandan Holy Spirit Movement, an
insurgent group active in Uganda during the 1980s and 1990s, later known as the
Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), the United Democratic Christian Movement (UDCM),
and the Uganda People's Democratic Christian Army.
The Holy Spirit Movement was founded in 1986
by Alice Auma, an Acholi from the marginalized northern regions of Uganda who
claimed to have received spiritual orders to fight evil—namely, the government. Taking on the name Alice Lakwena, she
recruited people to her cause, promising that her magical powers would protect
them against the bullets of the military forces.
Lakwena's message appealed to many ethnic
Acholi who, due to their association with the Milton Obote military forces, had
suffered both the abuses of the Idi Amin regime in the 1970s and the
vengeance of the newly installed military forces of President Yoweri Museveni,
who came to power in 1986. To Alice Lakwena's followers, who referred to her as
laor ("messenger") or
nebbi ("prophet"),
her movement offered both spiritual renewal and, on a more secular level, the
opportunity for retribution.
While in the Acholi district, the Holy Spirit
Movement's attempts at sabotage and guerrilla warfare rarely succeeded, but the
movement itself maintained momentum. In
October 1987, however, Lakwena took her followers further afield, to Busoga,
where they suffered a devastating military defeat.
Lakwena escaped to Kenya, but was captured and
imprisoned. Most rebels surrendered when
Museveni instituted an amnesty program.
However, Joseph Kony, claiming kinship to Lakwena, continued the
resistance, although he did not claim the prophetic powers of his predecessor. Supported by arms shipments from Sudan, the
rebels, now known as the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), stepped up their
terrorist campaign after 1993. As his
following began to dwindle, Kony began to kidnap thousands of Acholi children
and indoctrinate them into his army, who now comprise the bulk of his guerrilla
force. After the attack on civilians in March 1998, some 60 LRA rebels were
killed by government forces, and Kony fled to Sudan.
It has been proven time and time against that nobody
finds any other sources of ethnic clashes in post-independent African countries
outside that which has been sown by the retreating, particularly British
colonizers. The blood-stained, sordid legacy of the British, some forty years
down the ages has not yet even begun to unwind in Uganda as is reflected in the
following report[5]:
The Mystic and his Brutal
Army of Child Soldiers
“…Joseph Kony (the leader of the Lord’s Resistance
Army, a rebel group that has fought the Ugandan government for 18 years in a
war that has killed more than 23 000 people and forces 1.5 million people to flee
their homes)…formed his army in late 1987, after Alice Lakwena, his mentor and
cousin, failed to overthrow the government.
The Acholi rebel movement has its roots in dissatisfaction among the
Acholi people, who were favoured by the colonial British and pre-Museveni
regimes, but lost a great deal of influence after the present President Yoweri
Museveni came to power in 1986. a
hotchpotch of defeated government forces regrouped under Lakwena in 1987 through the Holy Spirit Movement. She was the first to practise the sort of
religious warfare that has become the LRA’s trademark, and persuaded her 10 000 followers that smearing themselves
with nut-oil would make them invulnerable to bullets. The movement got within 100km of the Ugandan
capital Kampala before the nut oil finally let them down. Lakwena fled to Kenya, and Kony took on the
mantle. He linked up with the old
Acholi-dominated army and gained new contacts among Acholi exile
communities. Lakwena has now been
persuaded to return to Uganda to try to bring Kony to the negotiating table,
but few believe she can succeed. ‘Her
return will have a minimal impact,’ Mrs
Omuk said. ‘She is not relevant
anymore. The LRA has turned into a cult
movement that is not answerable to anyone, except its own members.’ ”
19980323 Despite
ongoing machinations to deny Phiri integration into the SANDF (which finally
occurred July 1998), Phiri effects his final facilitation of former (APLA/MK)
guerilla intake and integration into the SANDF, all of them his juniors in rank
who, of late, with some promoted up to Colonel and even Brigadier General while
the Mbeki administration to this day unlawfully refuses Phiri further
courses/studies in the military and refuses to promote him.
19980403 Johannesburg City Vision Newspaper (p.4) publishes a
letter addressed by Phiri to President Mandela and ANC MP Gora Ebrahim entitled
“(XHOSA) TRIBALISM REARS ITS UGLY HEAD”.
except for, perhaps, secretly blacklisting Phiri, President Mandela (whose deputy
President was Mr Thabo Mbeki) and his administration conveniently never
attended to the matter even though Mr Ebrahim (now deceased) confirmed the fact
that Mr Mandela indeed received the letter and “was looking into the matter”.
19980701 After 4 years of Xhosa-tribalist sabotage, Phiri
finally integrates as a prospective full colonel (Brigadier General Raymond
Fihla, Lieutenant Colonel Ntabeni and Lieutenant-Colonel Liebenberg are
witnesses to this) and takes his rightful place as a member (Lieutenant Colonel
pending the completion of his military courses/studies upon which full
colonelship would be automatic) of the SANDF.
Needless to say, South Africa’s Xhosa tribalists in uniform have put
paid to those agreements by means of illegally stopping further studies which
are a requisite for any army officer in the world (and South Africa too) to be
promoted.
20000813 2000, 13
August Sunday Wildebees Mess, Pretoria-based
South African Army College[6] run by Mandelasque
Xhosa Brigadier General Mxolisi Petane.
Like so many of Xhosas in powerful positions in Mbeki administration,
Petane talked vociferously against white racism, but did nothing as the wounds
of white-assisted Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism festered on his college with
Mandela’s Xhosa students passing basically for free, and a white racist or two
of the college instructors mistreating blacks whether student or fellow
instructor. Petane is now a military
attaché in the UK, a post that seems to be reserved for people who come from
the Eastern Cape. Start of the course of
80 students.
20010130 2001, 30 January Tuesday Officers of the
British Queen[7], Colonel T.C.
Jarvis-Bicknell and Lieutenant Colonel Tim Barret participate in what now
amounts to a “fraudulent, illegal, and unminuted 60-minute meeting aimed at
destroying Lieutenant Colonel Goodman Manyanya Phiri’s career.” Jarvis-Bicknell and Barret are two of the 31
B MATT[8] who, per request of
self-confessed Anglophile, Mr Nelson Mandela, then President of the Republic of
South Africa, had arrived in South Africa on 14 May 1994 to act as monitors and
adjudicators when placement or appointments were made [for former Azanian Peoples Liberation Army¾APLA[9], and Umkhonto We Sizwe¾MK[10] forces, among others] in all four arms[11] of Service of the
new SANDF. B MATT involvement is, by the
way, the same issue on which the secretary[12] of the controversial
anti-Phiri gathering they held January 2001, three years and six months down
the line of Minister Lekota’s unconstitutional efforts of trying to prosecute
Phiri using the contents of those minutes without the former making them
available for Phiri to be able to defend himself in the trial, is used by the
same Minister of Defence to defend his failure (until this writing) to comply
with the High Court order.
20010131 2001, 31 January Wednesday In their sleeping
quarters, students write a collective memorandum addressed to Army Chief,
Lieutenant General Gilbert Ramano and his then Inspector Mandelasque Xhosa
tribalist Mashoala. The students
complained apparently about crimes committed, by (among others) officers like
Instructor/Tutor Colonel Raymond Lentsoe and his adulterous College sweetheart
(with whom they spent nights together on college premises), Student/Officer
Under Instruction Lieutenant Colonel
Winnie Bobelo. This is the part of the
High-Court-demanded Board-of-Inquiry Report that on our[13] meeting on 21
September 2004 the Minister of Defence falsely claims “has gone missing”, all
with the obvious purpose to protect the College criminals just because of the
“Xhosa connection” (and victimize the easy-peasy Phiri instead).
20010205 2001, 05 February Monday In Lecture Room 4:
Colonel Drost, in the presence of Colonel Jan Hendrik Beyers Kleynhans
and other Directing Staff, confirms there is a Board of Inquiry[14] in the pipeline from
Chief of the Army’s Inspector General (¾IG¾) Mashoala and his
entourage. “Henceforth” Colonel Drost
ordered, “everybody should stop saying anything to anybody about the
misunderstanding. To say anything, every
single one of you shall await interview with Mashoala’s Board of Inquiry only.”
(The question that you, Mark, Joe and your fellow attorneys must help me with
is to make it transparent to the State Attorney that I need answers why Colonel
Drost called it “a Board of Inquiry” if, as clients of the State Attorney now
claim on the 21 September 2001 “it was not a Board of Inquiry”. Why was expectation of a visible outcome so
much created? Why was cooperation from
students so much solicited for?)
20010206 2001, 06 February Tuesday In Lecture Room
4: Mandelasque Xhosa tribalist
Mashoala (the IG) arrives and invites an 80-student strong brainstorming. Phiri,
without naming names, for the 2nd time makes mention of his
discovery over the crime and corruption of the College involving white racism
on one hand, and the sex-and-passing-marks scandals involving chiefly, Lieutenant Colonel Raymond Lentsoe and
Mandelasque Xhosa tribalist Lieutenant Colonel Winnie Bobelo. Mashoala promises to make Phiri one of the
members who will contribute to his Board of Inquiry.
20010206 2001, 06 February Tuesday In Lecture Room
4: (What follows is only a
paraphrasing of the words uttered) In defiance of or under the orders of Drost, Colonel Johannes Hendrik Beyers
Kleynhans comes to class to verbally abuse Phiri: saying things like Phiri
wanted to pass the course by virtue only
of his black skin colour and ANC-government’s affirmative action or words to
that effect; claiming that he (Kleynhans) had humanely defended Phiri when the British
military force’s Selection Board[15] had wanted him out
of the College a month before because of Phiri’s laziness”; alleging that the
“ungrateful” Phiri was now unfairly
attacking the integrity of his instructors whom he (Colonel Johannes Hendrik Beyers Kleynhans)
was prepared to defend with his own life[16].
20010224 2001, 24 February Saturday Mandelasque Xhosa
Tribalist Major Khotso Edmund Matli[17] is given a chance to
meet the IG, whereupon he submits a written statement. (Please Note, [Msiza, Kruger & Bembe Inc.]: It is
in other words a blue lie that is now peddled by the appointees of the Minister
of Defence to the effect that “the Mashoala team worked for only three days on
the college”. The fact is, having begun their exercise on the 6th of
February 2001 they ended it on the 6th of March (30 days later),
obviously after producing a voluminous report on the corruption of the Army
officers at the College which included even issues like “one of the married
white male officers running the college being found red-handed by a black
female student receiving in his office a blow-job from his white female
colleague; hence, white Colonel Kleynhans was too afraid to charge black
Colonel Lentsoe and Lieutenant Colonel Bobelo because the black Xhosas were
blackmailing the whites for their own [whites’] sexcapades”). The truth of the matter is: Mashoala,
Brigadier General Steyn who was the General Officer Commanding Training
Formation inclusive of the Army College (of scandals) as well as many officers like
Colonel Drost and Colonel Kleynhans knew that the real problem of the College
was the lack of discipline spearheaded by Colonel Lentsoe and Lieutenant
Colonel Bobelo. But they were too afraid
to confront a woman who not only knew too much about “the white people’s
college blowjobs”, but also used the name of Lieutenant General Matanzima[18] to publicly scare
officers who contemplated disciplining her, obviously because many high-profile
squabbles in the military are seemingly not handled until Lt Gen Matanzima
handles them.
20010306 2001, 06 March Tuesday The Course Debrief
(students’ own post mortem of the 7-months’ course) which struck everybody as
censorious of drunkenness and adultery/prostitution-for-marks on College is
completed. Colonel Raymond Lentsoe, the alleged college skirt-chaser, appeals
in vain to have Debrief contents altered (“…because, as it stands, the document
is highly destructive to the good name of the South African Army”). Lt Col Phiri convinces his fellow students, in
front of Colonel Lentsoe, that rewriting and altering the Course Debrief would
defeat its purpose[19], as the Debrief has
very many positive aspects[20] of the college
equally reflected on it.
Lecture Room 4: Colonel Raymond Lentsoe
announces “IG has completed his investigation and is coming at 3 pm for a
‘report-back’ after the said investigation”.
20010307 2001, 07 March Wednesday Colonel Kleynhans
under oath, confirms what is said by Colonel Drost in relation to “Mashoala
office having been made aware of Phiri’s beleaguered state prior to Phiri’s
charges confirming in black and white (albeit in the Afrikaans language)
Kleynhans’ famous words: “An [sic]
Board of Inquiry that was done by the office of the Inspector General [Mashoala] was conducted at that time [February 06-March 06, 2001] to
investigate an [sic] related incident
where Lt Col Phiri was involved and I thought that it would have been wrong to proceed in that direction whilst this
Board of Inquiry was still investigating these related issues”. The statement is made to recording officers
Force Number 73357105 PE (Lt Col G.J. Anker SAMPC) and Force Number 94828076PE
(Lt Col D. Maswanganyi, SAIC). The Convening
Order (Certificate of Investigation) was No 005/01 by Colonel E.F. Drost (Acting
Commandant S.A. Army College.) On or
before this date all the Army College matters relating to Phiri are given[21] to the office of the
Army Inspector Mashoala via, among others, Inspector Colonel White. This is confirmed and signed for by Colonel Drost
on a note written on this date.
Furthermore, in the office of Colonel Drost: Lieutenant Colonel Phiri is
assaulted by Colonels Drost and Lentsoe during what they later termed “office
orders where Phiri refused to salute colonels” or words to that effect.
20010308 2001, 08 March Thursday Lt Col D.B. Maswanganyi signs together with
Colonel G. J. Anker as well as Acting Commandant of the SA Army College,
Colonel Drost: confirming, like Colonel Kleynhans says, that Brigadier General
Mashoala did indeed conduct a Board of Inquiry at the College and this is
quoted from the State Attorney’s Enclosure 2 forwarded to Phiri (on the topic
‘Findings and Recommendations by…[E.F.
Drost’s] Investigation Team’ [Page 2, Para 5]): “The Commander’s
Investigation Team could not evaluate [the]
Witness …, Major Khotso Edmund Matli[22] due to the fact that
he declined to make a statement. The
commander’s investigation team was, however, informed by Major Matli in an
informal way that he was of the opinion that this matter is now resolved due to
the fact that the course had already received feedback [via Generals Mgwebi, Steyn et al] in regard to the Board of Inquiry
that was done by the Inspector General’s office.”
Phiri commentary: If Major Matli was using a misnomer, as the
State Attorney’s team members like Brigadier General Mashoala would like to
suggest to us now, why did the other officers, Maswanganyi, Anker and Drost not
correct him? The fact of the matter is
you cannot have all the colonels calling the (Mashoala) exercise a Board of
Inquiry when it was not. That there is a
report lying somewhere to be granted to Phiri as demanded by the High Court is
confirmed further per signature by among others Brigadier General Mashoala and
Lieutenant General Ramano when they write on what they have now scribbled as
page 43 of Enclosure 3 as handed by the State Attorney with topic being
“Decision Brief to the AC on the Alleged Racial Disharmony at the SA Army
College: Course JCSD 701G372002; Modus Operandi No. 5...The investigation was
conducted on the following manner....(a)... (b) ...(c) Personal interview were
conducted with students, course leader and chief instructor (d) Final Report
was drafted and distributed to those
concerned” So obviously the army is hiding the Board of Inquiry report because
they want to victimize Phiri and have a scapegoat for the sexcapades involving
ex-British and ex-Eastern Cape generals and colonels of the SANDF, Phiri a
whipping post for the racial confrontation brought about by people who protect
one another along Mandelasque Xhosa tribal lines.
20010308 2001, 08 March Thursday Redress of wrong is written and submitted
(against Colonel Drost for the assault suffered) to Head of Army Training
Formation, Brig Gen Steyn.
20010309 2001,
09 March Friday In the office of
Colonel Drost: Mr Lekota’s Department of Defence arraigns Phiri, basing their
main charge on an incident that allegedly happened on 06 February 2001 where
Phiri is supposed to have made a racial slur against Colonel Kleynhans in the
following fashion: “I am fucking telling
you, Colonel; I hate racists. And I will
not salute a racist.[23]” or words to that
effect. Asked two days before
07-03-01why Phiri was not charged there and then, instead of a month later, the
Department of Defence had said: “an [sic]
Board of Inquiry that was done by the office of…[Mashoala] was conducted at that time to investigate an [sic] related incident where Lt Col Phiri
was involved and the Department [Phiri’s
emphasis] thought that it would have been wrong[24] to proceed in…[the] direction [of charging Phiri] whilst this Board of Inquiry was still
investigating these related issues”.
20010312
2001, 12 March Monday Acting for
Chief Military Legal Services Rear Admiral Dunstan Smart, Colonel P.D. Mardon
(par 3&4 of Appendix A of the letter: Ref C MLS 1/C/10629 [refer to
Enclosure 1, Appendix A Para 3 given to Phiri by the State Attorney]) confirms
that there was a Board of
Inquiry/Commander’s Investigation
conducted by Mashoala at the College.
Yet, to date, even that so-called Commander’s [IG Mashoala on behalf of Army
Chief Lieutenant General Gilbert Ramano’s] Investigation is not given in
lieu of the High Court-Ordered Commander’s Investigation.
[1] Xenophobic words used to denote non-RSA-born people
reserved only for Africans whether from Swaziland
(where the Dlaminis abound), Botswana ,
Lesotho , Zimbabwe and other African
countries. The silliness of this
xenophobia becomes even more apparent when you realize that there are no words
used to denote Europeans, Asians and other peoples in the same vein whereas
many of the so-called Kwerekweres (like Swazis, Mozambicans etc) also share
ethnicity with South Africa . Above all, there are even Dlaminis who are
“Xhosa” and even Zulu, just as they exist among the Swazis. South Africa ’s First Lady, Mrs
Zanele Mbeki and the country’s Foreign Minister, Nkosazana Zuma, are both
Dlamini in their maidenhood (or so I understand).
[2] “On the morning after
the parade (when, in Addis Ababa February 1962, 500 soldiers halted as one man,
spun round, and executed a precise salute to an elderly man in a dazzling
uniform, His Highness the Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, the Lion of
Judah), Oliver (Reginald Tambo) and I attended a meeting where each
organization (Pan Africanist Congress of Azania: PAC, African National
Congress: ANC etc) had to apply for accreditation. We were unpleasantly surprised to find that
our application was blocked by a delegate from Uganda
[6]Later run by Kleynhans-buddy, Colonel Drost. The college currently run by Mandelasque
Xhosa tribalist Colonel Mawethu Mdlulwa, a man who was a major three years ago,
but quickly “fast-tracked” to the rank of a full colonel to obviously maintain
the Ex-British-supported, Mandelasque Xhosa tribal hold on the College as well
it would seem, on the documents needed by the High Court that the College seems
to be denying Phiri and the High Court.
[7] Queen Elizabeth II
[8] After 10
years, the result of their work: the most tribalistic and racialistic army in
the world. Furthermore with women officers
promoted mainly not for their calibre but for their promptitude with the
bedroom to fraternize with particularly the Mandelasque Xhosa tribalist and the
white ex-British supervisory male-officer type of the SANDF; with ex-colonizer
soldiers going out ostensibly for peace-keeping missions in the DRC, Burundi
etc only to rape 12-year-old African girls, kill African women who refuse sex
with apparent Chief-Military-Legal-Serives-Boss-Rear-Admiral-Dunstan-Smart-impunity
whereas consensual sex between a white African Woman Officer, Major Rita and a
Black Man Corporal Sanna is severely and visibly punished as a lesson that no
black man in a “transformed” SANDF may penetrate the body of a white woman;
surely, the unrecorded labours of the Blair British government secret service
masquerading as B MATT are as plain as a lady officer’s see-through
lingerie. So much for a British team led
by one Brigadier General ¾please excuse the pun¾Dick Trigger.
[10] The Military Wing of the Liberation Movement: The African
National Congress
[11] The Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Medical Health
Services
[12] [Dated 11 August 2004] I, 77872315PE LT COL ELIZABETH DE VILLE LOURENS with ID
no ........hereby declare under oath….I was the secretary for the assessment
board which was convened for….Number 98007693PE Lt Col G.M. Phiri, a member of
the Infantry Corps [sic]….The minutes
(the main document) are forwarded to all addressees [who are nowhere shown on the truncated scraps of paper so far given to
Phiri] and with them [but who is
“them” now? Candidates like Phiri or the ‘addressees’?] only the relevant
appendices to the ‘need to know’ addressees…
[Why, rather than mutilating minutes and fraudulently handing them
to Phiri for the full version, don’t you, as the High Court Judge so ordered,
just tell Phiri that “these particular minutes that Mandelasque Xhosaman
Colonel N.S. Gcanga who had been ordered by fellow Mandelasque Xhosaman
Lieutenant Colonel “Sputla” Matolweni of former APLA to apparently go
collaborate with the British against Phiri, by the penmanship of myself, De
Ville Lourens, are ‘suddenly a state secret’
and so let us go defend the raison d'être of state secrecy ‘at the
recommencement of the trial’”?]…
… These arrangements ensure more
privacy…[What privacy? Privacy protecting
whom? What happened to the
Mbeki-transparency-in-government-slogans? Privacy to protect the white
ex-Britain racists of the SANDF and their surrogate Mandelasque Xhosa
tribalists who only rise in ranks through the Mbeki so-called affirmative
action only to destroy the military careers of the non-Xhosa African and the
Afrikaner? Privacy of turning these minutes into charges like the DOD has now
done against Phiri, without making them transparent enough for Phiri to see
what the historical enemies of Africa , the
Nonqauses, the Ngubencukas and their British mentors said about Phiri? ]
[13] State Attorney’s Representative Mrs A.G.F. Mokgale, Mashoala,
Brigadier General Mmono and Colonel Stephen Oupa Mokalake for Minister of
Defence and for Phiri: Mr Joe Msiza (from [Msiza, Kruger
& Bembe Inc.]), Colonel Bheki Qedusizi Penuell
Simelane (Phiri Defence Counsel at the Military Court Trial) and Phiri himself.
[14] Board of Inquiry Confirmation #1
[15]What transpired in the said British Military Forces’ Selection
Board is what the State, in contravention of the High Court order, is refusing
to grant. Subsequently, the un-granted minutes of the Selection
Board were not even discussed on the disclosure meeting with the State Attorney
on 21 September 2004; and that is why, in the 6th October 2004
letter to the Secretary for Defence (Reference No. 897/04/1235/L10/SN) the
State Attorney makes not even one lackadaisical mention of that particular High
Court order for B MATT-related documents: Obviously, addressing that important
matter was not one of the instructions the State Attorney received from the
clients representing the Minister of Defence, what with their devil-may-care
attitude that seems to say “We are the government in South Africa, High Court
orders can wait”
[16] Defend his drunk and fornicating colleagues and
subordinates at the college with his life he definitely did not do. Rather, it would seem, he has taken his life
to defend mercenary activities around Africa as, indeed, during one of the
military-court appearances forced on Phiri a postponement had to be made
because, as the prosecutor (Major Tanya van Schalkwyk), creating the impression
that the State Witness had left the SANDF for greener pastures said “Kleynhans
is working in Nigeria or some other
African country and has to travel for the Phiri case at his own expense…the
SANDF is not paying”. Phiri subsequently
made a follow-up with Defence Intelligence to see if indeed Kleynhans has left
the SANDF (as no member of the organization can have two employs). And on finding out that he is still a member
of the SANDF, and had, as per orders of policy governing uniformed people
taking unpaid leave, ostensibly got permission from C SANDF Nyanda to work
abroad, it was discovered that yes he had those 600 days. Phiri’s report to Defence Intelligence
sparked off a revelation that hundreds of these members have actually left the
country with the permission of either the C SANDF or his Africa-backstabbing
Mandelasque Xhosa tribalists and their ex-Brit mentors around him. Subsequently, Defence Intelligence suspects
that Colonel Kleynhans and company are also working in countries as far afield
as Afghanistan , Iraq . Judging from the 20th October 2004 television
pronouncements of the Secretary for Defence, it may, after all, may not be only
his life that Colonel Kleynhans is gambling with, his entire career too.
[17] Major Matli is one of the people who were called into the Board
of Inquiry (now turned Mashoala’s phantom Commander’s Investigation)
proceedings. He knows what he is talking
about. And he is a personal friend of
Mashoala’s, per reports. He is also, by
his own admission, an ex-Eastern Cape officer who has now since been promoted
to a senior post at National Intelligence Agency, another bastion of
Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism in the Republic of South Africa.
[18] SANDF Chief of
Staff: Ex-Transkei (Eastern Cape
[19] Crafted along the “SWOT” (Strong
points, Weak points, Opportunity , Threats)
guidelines, Course Debriefs are by their nature aimed at exposing cracks on a
wall, rather than papering over them.
[20] 06 March 2001 JCSD G37 200002
Course Debrief: “Strong points.
….Dedication of the instructors (prepared to work after-hours.)
….Availability of the library and the positive attitude/cooperation by the
library personnel. ….The concept of staff papers as part of the course to give
topics to [students], forcing them [sic] to research and expand their
knowledge base with respect to general military knowledge/subjects. …Acceptance
of students in the course according to Army policies….”
[21] This information is contained in
the State Attorney’s Enclosure 2, Certificate of Investigation NO 005/01 SA
Army College (THIS IS THE ONLY ORDER SO
FAR, OUT OF MORE THAN FOUR, ORDERED BY THE HIGH COURT, WHICH HAS BEEN MET BY
THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE. The format of this document serves as an example
of what the Mashoala Report will look like once when the DOD decides to honour
the high Court order and grant (of course, if Rear Admiral Smart’s assertion is
true that “Mashoala conducted a Commander’s Investigation, rather than a Board
of Inquiry.)
[22] Major Matli is one of the people who were called into the Board
of Inquiry (now turned Mashoala’s phantom Commander’s Investigation)
proceedings. He knows what he is talking
about. And he is a personal friend of
Mashoala’s, per reports. He is also, b
his own admission, an ex-Eastern Cape officer who has now since been promoted
to a senior post at National Intelligence Agency, another bastion of
Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism in the Republic of South Africa.
[23]among other sources see: http,//www.anc.org.za/anc/newsbrief/2002/news1128.txt, @ BLASTS-Mbeki. See also:
http,//www.epherald.co.za/herald/2002/11/28/news/n21_28112002.htm
[24]Why does the self-same self-righteous Lekota Department of Defence
think it is right to continue the trial against Phiri when this wonderful
Mashoala Board of Inquiry Report, in violation of the High Court order, is
still denied Phiri? And why has this Department
defied even the State Attorney who said the postponement of this case should be
sine die?
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